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MADRAS IN THE OLDEN TIME, 1838—17*8. 8 vols. sm. 8to. 
Madras, 1861— <i2. 

EAELY TRAVELS IN INDIA. First Series, comprising Puruhass "Pil- 
grimage " and the "Travels of Van Liuschaten. " 8vo. Caleutta, ISfli. 

EARLY TRAVELS IN INDIA. So^iid Series, comprising tilr Thomas 
Roe's "Embassy to the Great Mogul" and Fryer's " Travels in India." 
8vo. Loudon, 1873. 


Vol.1. The Maha BbtLratsaudtheVedicPeriod. Thick Sva. Map. 1867. 
II. ThsRamayana and the Bmhrnaniu Period. ThickSvo. Map. 1869. 

III. Hindu, Buddhist, and Brahmanic Reviv.l. 8vo. Map. 187*. 

IV. and V. Mohammedftu Rule. S vols. 8vo. 1876—82. 
SHORT HISTORY OF INDIA, and of the Frontier States of AfghaoUtan, 

Nipal, and Bunna. Thiuk eronn 8vo, with Mapsand Tables. Macmillau 

and Co. 12s. 1880. 

the Ist of Jsntiarf, 1877, to celebrate the assumption by Her Hajeaty 

Qaeen Victoria of the Title of Empress of India ; with Historical Sketches 

of India and her Princes. Royal 4t«, ^tich 13 Portraits, Map, and 

17 IUustra.tions, chiefly by Photognphs. 1877. 
EARLY RECORDS OF BRITISH INDIA ; a Hiatoiy of the Euglish 

Settlemenls in India. 8vo. Calcutta, 1878. 

AND BHAMO. 8vo. Ranffoou, 1871. 

GEOGRAPHY OF HERODOTUS, Devoloped, Explained, and Illustrated 

from Modem Researches and Discoveries. Thick Sro, with Maps and 

Plans. 18B4. 
LIFE AND TRAVELS OF HERODOTUS. 2 toIs. post 8vo. 1866. 

PhilologicBl Library, 1852. 

Philological Library. 1352. 








riK Slflil of rraiilkiHDii ami Itij^eiartlun U Jtenrnd 

J / 

RioHAHD Clay A B- 
Aovny, 3uffallc. 




IN 1«M, 

^1)10 ISooit is 9r1iitate)i. 




A HUNDRED years ago, when the lively Miss Frances 
Bumey was weeping over the wrongs of Warren 
Hastings, and the learned and portly Gibbon was 
stiU lamenting that he had not entered on an Indian 
career, there were people in the British Isles who 
knew something of Indian history. They had picked 
up information respecting Indian affairs from the 
speeches of the grave Edmund Burke, the eloquent 
Charles James Fox, and the impassioned Richard 
Brinsley Sheridan. The facts may have come second 
hand, and been more or less distorted by the jealous 
and bitter fancies of Sir Philip Francis, the reputed 
author of the Letters of Junius ; but facts or fables, 
they served to enlighten the British public on the 
Indian questions of the day. 

During the present century, the march of intellect 
has turned away from India, except as regards an 
outlet for cotton goods, a field for speculation in 
railways and teas, or a provision for younger sons 
in the "Indian civil." Within the last few years, 


viii Preface. 

however, there has been a change for the better. 
The British public has been alarmed at the fall in 
silver. It has been cheered by the proposal to place 
British-bom subjects under the magisterial jurisdic- 
tion of Hindus and Mohammedans. It has been 
aroused by the prospect of a war with Russia in 
Central Asia ; but it has been comforted by the 
restoration of the fortress of Gwalior to Maharaja 
Bindia. Moreover, Burma is no longer confounded 
with Bermuda, and no one groans over the annexation 
of the country, or the destruction of brigandage by 
the new rulers. Still there is room for more know- 
ledge. The author, however, has before him a letter 
£rom an old Mend in high position in India, who 
tells him plainly that the British government does 
not want history. Accordingly, the present work is 
not called a History of India, but India under 
British Rule. 

More than one British ruler in India has, however, 
sinned against history, and might well like to shut it 
up with confidential minutes and secret negotiations. 
Within the present century, India has been desolated 
by wars as cruel as those of the Heptarchy, and as 
unmeaning as those of the White and Eed Roses. 
Within the present generation, it has been distracted 
and tortured by a military revolt, created by a scare 
about greased cartridges, but leading to crimes more 
horrible than those of the French Revolution. Yet 
Anglo-Indian statesmen have been known to ignore 
the past, and to propound schemes for India that 


Preface. ix 

would be too advanced for any European nation 
excepting Great Britain. They have blinded them- 
flelves against history, like ostriches burying their 
faces in the sand. They have dealt with India, as 
the Gennan philosopher dealt with the "camel," not 
by the facts before them, but out of the sublime 
depths of their moral consciousness, stiired up by a 
political caucus, or a philanthropic gathering in 
Exeter Hall. 

Controversy and fault-finding are to be deprecated. 
But reform is only possible after a due consideration 
of what has been accomplished up to date by British 
rule in India, and of the flaws and &ult8 in the 
existing constitution. 

It will be Been from the first chapter, that 
the British traders of the seventeenth century, 
who established factories, built fortresses, and 
created manufacturing towns, also attempted to 
introduce representative and municipal government 
into ^e East India Company's once famous 
city of Madras. The second chapter reveals 
the fact that the acquisition of Bengal in the 
eighteenth century was not the work of ambition, 
but an act of self-preservation. The third chapter 
shows that the peace of India could not have been 
maintained in any possible way except by the estab- 
lishment of British supremacy as die paramount 
power. The fourth chapter proves that the first 
Afghan war, needless as it turned out to be at the 
time, was the outcome of Russian ambition which 



dates back to the times of Peter the Great and 
Nadir Shah. 

The story of the sepoy mutinies of 1857 occupies a 
considerable space in the present volume. It is not 
a mere narrative of military revolt, but a revelation 
of Asiatic nature ; a lesson which every Anglo-Indian 
statesman must study, if he would avoid defeat or 
failure. The masses in the British Isles may read 
Biblical accounts of rebellion and massacre, or the 
story in Josephus of the atrocities of Herod the 
Great ; but very few seem to realise the fact that 
they are reading Asiatic history, which has no reflex 
in Europe, nor in any country under European rule 
except British India. The horrible intrigues and 
murders in the household of Herod; his frantic 
passion for the fair Mariamne ; the malicious lies of 
Salome ; the assassination of Mariamne by her jealous 
and infuriated husband ; the alternations in the mind 
of Herod as regards Cleopatra, whether to accept her 
lovo or murder her ; — find no parallels in European 
history, excepting perhaps in Turkey, or in the 
Russian court of the last century. 

The last chapter in the present volume is devoted 
to the constitutional changes in the government 
of India, and in the local governments, since the 
mutinies. The author has not indulged in the 
hope of raising Asiatics to the level of Europeans 
by the premature introduction of representative 
government. He considers that such a scheme would 
for the present be as much out of place in Asia as 


Prefack. xi 

a republic of boys for the control of schoolmaatera. 
British India is treated aa a political school for 
Asiatics, in which Europeans are the teachers ; and 
so long as that theory of government is upheld, 
constitutional reforms in India are practical and 

In conclusion, the author has to express his obliga- 
tions to Professor Terrien de Lacouperie of the 
London University College, and to his own son, 
Owen E. "Wheeler of the Leicestershire Regiment, 
for revising the proofs of the present work, and for 
many valuable suggestions. 

12th May, ISSfi. " 


DiBtsdayGoOl^lc ! 





gl. India in 160D. $2. Britijh at Sur&t and Ma^uIipaUm ; Commercial 
and Social Life, 1612—1638. g 3. Rise and Growth of Madras, 1836— 
1680 : PortngneBo and Dutch Neighbours. g 4. British Bole and 
BepraaentatiTH GoTernmcut, I6S9. § 6. Mixed Corporation of Earopeans 
ud Natives, IflSS. gd. Slaverr and the Slave Trade in India, 
g 7. Madras, Bnrat, Bombay, and Hughly. g 8. Collision with the Great 
Mogul, 1686—1700. S 9. Domestic Administration, 1700—1746. g 10. 
Won against France in Sonthern India, 1746— 176S. gll. The Bkok 
Hole at Calcutta, June 1766 Paget 1—89 

gl. From Calcntta to Plasay, 1757-58. g2. Nawah Rale asdeT British 
Protection. gS. British Arrogance: Massacre at Patna. g4. Lord 
Clire's Donhle Oovenimeiit, 1765-67. § G. Warren Hastings, 1772-85 i 
life and Career. % 6. British Bnle : Treatment of Bengal Zemindara. 
g7. British Collectors and Magistrates: Circuit Courtd and Sndder. 
gS, Innovations of Parliament. 39. Collisions in Calcntta Council: 
Trial and Ezecntion of Nondcomar. g 10. Clashing of Snpreme Conit 
and Sadder, gll. Mahrattawar: Goddard and Popham. g 12. Triple 
Alliance against the British : the Mahrattas, the Nizam, and Hyder AU. 
g 13. Parliamentary Interference: the Two India Bills, g 14. Charges 
against Warren Harticge. |16. Lord Comwallis, 1786-98: Perpetual 
Settlement and Judicial Beforms. g 16. Sir John Shore, 1793-08 : Non- 
intervention Payee 40 — 8S 




I. Lord Momiugton (Marquis of 'Wellesley), 1788-1806 : last war ag&iust 
TippQ, 179B. S 2' CamMic oooGscated and umezed to Madras Presi- 
ilency. S 3. Wetlealey 'a Bcheme of a j>aramount power, g 1. Second 
Mohratta war : successes of Arthur Wellesley aud Lake, g 5. Disastrous 
war with Holkar. g 0. Return to aoD-iiitervention. g 7. Sepo; mutiny 
in Hadias arm;, g 8. Lord Hinto, 1807-13 ; wars and alliances against 
Fiance. g9. Evils of DOD-interrention in R^pntana : troubles in Nipol. 
glO. Lord Moira (Marquis of Hastings), 1813-23: war with Kipal, 
1811-15. g]l. Revival of the paramount power: Pindhari and Mali- 
rstia wars, 1S17-1S. g 12. Lord Amherst, 1823-28; wars with Btmna 
and Bhortpore. 913. Lord William Bentinek, 1S2S-36 ; abolition of 
Suttee, g 14. Suppression of Thuga. g IG. AdmiiiiBtiBtive refonos. 
SIS. Noi-th-West Provinces: Joint Villsga Proprietors, g 17. Madras 
and Bombay Presidencies : Ryotwari Settlements, g 18. Chsuges under 
tlie Charter of 1833. glB. Sir Cliailes Metcalfe, 1835-38. 

Fagss 83— HO 


gl. Russian advance checked by Nadir Shah, 1722-38. g?. First Cabul 
war under Lord Auckland, 1838-42. g 3. Lord Ellenborough, 1842-44 : 
tetum from Cabal and conquest of Sind. g 4. War in Gwalior : reduc- 
tion of Sindia's army, g G. Lord Uardinge, 1845-48 : Sikh rule in the 
Punjab. § 6. First Sikh war : Moodki, Feroialuhar, Aliwal, and 
Sobraon. g 7. Lord Dalhousie, 1848-60 : Second Sikh war : Chillianwalla 
and Goojerot : annexation of the Punjab, g 8. British rule : patriarchal 
KOvemment g S. Second Burmese war, 1852 : annexation of Pegu. 
g 10. Lord Dalhousie as an administrator: no roads in India, gll. 
Trunk road, trunk railway, telegraphs, Ganges c&nal. g 12. Annexa- 
tions of Nagpore, Satara, Jhansi, and Oudh. g 13. India Bill of 1853 : 
now competitive Civil Service, g 14. New Legislative Council ; Lord 
Uacaulay and the Penal Code, g 15. Departure of Lord Dalhousie, 1850. 
EIS. Lord Canning, ISSQ-OS: expedition to the pErsian Gulf. gl7. 
M(^ fiunily at Delhi, g 18. Condition of Oudh . . . Po^m 141— 184 




gl.. European Boldien and Aaiatio KpayB. gS. Three Britiih anuivs iu 
India: BuDgal, Botab*y, and Madias, g3. Sepoy anuy of Bengali 
Brahtaani atid Bajpnta. 1 1. Enfield cattridgeB ; geuenl hoiroi of 
poik : Hindu wontiip of the cow. S ^- Agitatiou of the sepoyi tt 
Bamckporb |S. First mutinj against th« cartridges: Berbsmpon:. 
§7. Second matin; : Bamckpoie. gS. Oudh: mntin; at Lucknow: 
suppreaeed. g 9, Mntiny and mawscre at Meerut. g 10. Uohammedau 
revolt and msswere at Delhi : general excitement, g II, British advance 
from the Punjab to Delhi g IS. Siege of Delhi by Europeans, Sikhs, 
and Ghorkas. g 13. Puitjab and John Lawrence : antagonism between 
Sikhs and Mohammedans. gl4. Sepoy plolaat LahoN and Hian Hiii 
quashed. % IG. Peshawar and frontier mountain tribes, g Ifl. Execution 
of sepoy matiueera at Peshawar, g 17. Brigadier John Nicholson : 
worshipped by a Sikh brotherhood. gl8. Proposed withdrawal from 
Peshawar, fi 19, Untiny at Sealkote : wholesale executions, g 20. Siege 
and storm of Delhi, September 1857 : peace in the North-West. 

Fagci 185—221 



:. Bengal and Lord Canning : Geuerdl Neill's advance from Calcutta, 
g 2. Sacred city of Benares : Hindn population overawed, g 3, Fortn^sa at 
Allahabad : treachery and massacre, g 4. Cawnpore : extreme peril. %6. 
8tol7 of Nana Sahib, gfl. European refuge in the barracks. §7, Nana 
Sahib at Cawnpore : aspirations after Uindn sovereigtity : delusion of 
General Wheeler, g 8. Mutiny and treachery : barmcks beleaguered by 
Nana Sahib, g 9. First massacre at Cawnpore : massacre at Jhausi. 
g 10. Advance of General Havelock, g 11. Sscond massacre of women 
and children: the weU. gl2. Lavknow and Sic Henry Lawrence ; Hay 
and June. S 13. 8i<^ of British Residency at Luckuow i July to Sep- 
tember ; death of Sir Henry Lawrence, g 14 Havelock'a advance and 
retreat. glG. Advance of Havelock and Outram. g 16. Belief of Luck- 
now. gl7. Sir Colin Campbell's advance : deliverance of the garrison. 
gl8. Mutiny of the Gwalior contingent: defeated. glS. £nd of the 
mutiny and rebellion: canses rage* 2^2— 27* 






%\. Awakeoiiig of the BritUh nation. S2. Government Education in ladik ; 
Toleration. §S, Britiah Rule after theHutiD^: LegiaUtiTe ConnoU of 
18G4 and Eiecntive Coimcil : Wroaga of Non-Official Europeana. 
§ i. Mr. Jamea Wilaon and hia Income-Taz, g S. New LegialatiTo 
ConncU of 1881-62. g 6. Nev High Court : proposed District Conrta. 
37. Lord Canning leaves India. gS. Lord Elgin, 1882-63. §9. Sirjohu 
Lawrance, ISdl-SB -. Oovernmenta of Madras and Bombay : Migrations to 
Simla : Foreign ASaira. g 10. Lord lAwrenca leaves India, g 11. Lord 
Ma^o, 1806-72. gl2. Lord Northbiook, 1872-78: Royal visits to 
India, g 13. Lord Lytton, 1S7B-80 : Empress Proclaimed. % 14. Second 
Afjilhan War. g 16. Political and Jnditial Schools, g IS. Constitution 
of Britiah India : proposed Refonna Pages 27S — S02 






gl. India in 1600. §2. British at Surat and Haaulipatun : Commercial 
and Social Life, 1612—1638. %Z. Rise and Growth of Hadras, 1639— 
1680 : Fortognese and Datch Neighbonra. g i. British Rule and 
B«pTeaentative GoTernmeut, IS86. gB. Mlied Corpoiutioii of Europeans 
and N*tiT«B, 1088. g6. Shvety and the Slavs Trade in India, 
g 7. Hadnts, Snrat, Bombay, and Hughly. g 8. Colliaiou vith the Great 
MoBul, 1686—1700. SB. Domestic Adminiatmtion, 1700—1746. g 10. 
Wara against France in Southern India, 1746—1768. gll. The Black 
Hole at Calcutta, Jane, 1750. 

The rise of Britiah rule in India is a problem cbap. i. 
in history. A single association of British traders Ri^of 
established factories which grew into fortresses, and ^lo. 
governed native towns which became the capitals of 
a British empire. The march of events is without 
a parallel in the annals of the world. In 1600 the 
East India Company obtained from Queen Elizabeth a 
charter of exclusive rights to trade in the Eastern seas. 
lu 1612 it established its first factory at Surat. In 
1639 it began to build a fortified factory at Madras, 


2 India under British Rcle. 

OHAP. I. whilst a Hindu population of weavers and other 
manufacturers grew up by its aide. Before the 
beginning of the eighteenth century, before Queen 
Anne ascended the throne of Great Britain, the 
British settlements at Madras, Bombay, and Calcutta 
had each a fortress and a town. How Hindu and 
Mohammedau populations were ruled by British 
traders will be told in the present chapter. How 
the Britiah traders acquired provinces and established 
an empire belongs to the after chapters. 

NoRTBBBK §1- In 1600 the whole of Northern India was under 

thB Greit ^^^ dominion of a Mohammedan sovereign, known as 

i^sai ^^^Q Great Mogul, His revenues and armies were 

the marvel of Europe. His empire extended from 

the mountains of Cashmere to the Bay of Bengal, 

from the slopes of the Himalayas to the table-land 

of the Deccan. It covered large Hindu populations 

and many Hindu principalities, for throughout this 

vast area the Great Mogul was sovereign lord of all, 

the emperor, the Padishah. 

Southern South of (he Mogul empire was the Deccan or 

Mou'aui- " south." The country was a terra incognita to 

^^g Europeans. The interior had been conquered by Mo- 

and Hindu hammcdan invaders from the north, and distributed 

into kingdoms under Sultans, who formed a barrier 

against the Moguls. East and west were hills and 

jungles stretching to the sea, mostly held by Hindu 

Rajas who were hostile alike to the Sultans and the 

Great Mogul. Mohammedan rule, however, had 

never as yet extended further south than the river 

Kistna. The whole region from the Kistna to Cape 

Comoriu — sometimes known as the " Peninsula " — 

was under the dominion of Hindu Rajas. 


Factoeies, Fobteesses, Towns. 3 

The western coaBt of the Deccan and Peninsula cbap. i. 
was dotted with Portuguese fortresses, mounted with Portu- 
cannon and garrisoned by Portuguese soldiers. The fomesBes. 
Portuguese had made their way to India round the 
Cape of Good Hope about the end of the fifteenth 
century, and for a hundred years had been building 
factories in the territories of Hindu Rajas, and con- 
verting them into fortresses. Nothing of the kind 
would have been allowed by the Great Mogul, or 
by the Sultans of the Deccan, but the Portuguese 
had persuaded the Hindu Rajas that they would 
help and protect them, and the Rajas never saw ■ 
the danger until the fortresses were bristling with 
cannon and opposition was useless. The Portuguese 
capital w^ seated on the island of Goa, about 
half-way between Surat and Comorin, and was a 
centre of the Catholic religion as well as of 
Portuguese trade.^ 

§ 2. British merchants in the service of the East Brftisii 
India Company would gladly have traded on the same 
sea-board, which was known as the coast of Malabar, 
but they were shut out by the Portuguese fortresses. 
Accordingly they sailed further northward, and tried 
to get a footing in the Mogul port of Surat. This 
port was a centre of the Mohammedan religion and 
an emporium of Mogul trade. It was the starting- 
point for all pilgrims going to Mecca, and the point 
to which they returned when their pilgrimage was 
over. It was the rendezvous of Mogul merchants 
who despatched ships to the Persian Gulf and Red 

' The island of Qon, and the fortrese of Diu in Quzerat, were 
nominally within MohammedaD dominion, bnt they were really 
independent and were held by force of arms. 

B 2 

traders si 


4 India undbh British Kdle. 

GHAivi. Sea, and sent goods overland to the great capitals 

of the Mogul empire — Agra, Delhi, and Lahore. 

Britiah At Surat, howcver, the British were thwarted by 

^itri^" the Portuguese. The Nawab of Surat waa told that 

K°°*^' the British were pirates. The merchants of Surat were 

threatened_ with the capture of their ships if they 

had any dealings with the British. Fighting waa the 

only way of meeting the difficulty. Accordingly the 

British attacked a Portuguese fleet outside the bar of 

Surat. The news of battle and the roar of cannon 

brought the Nawab, the merchants, and half the 

. population of Surat to the sea-shore.- The British 

sunk or burnt several Portuguese ships until the 

residue of the fleet steered back to Goa. The 

Moguls were fascinated by the victory. They saw 

that the British had not only superior strength on 

their side, but Allah and kismet. The Nawab of Surat 

feasted the conquerors in his tents on the sands, and 

the Surat merchants eagerly bought British cargoes 

and supplied Indian commodities to the brave men 

who had beaten the Portuguese. 

BritiBh In 1612 the British set up a factory at Surat in a 

«t"sn*St, large Indian house, with warehouses and offices below 

^^^^- and chambers and refection-rooms above. It waa a 

London establishment transferred to a Mohammedan 

seaport. The British merchants, factors, and writers 

lodged and boarded together like members of one 

family. Native brokers or banyans were employed 

to buy cotton goods, silks, indigo, and other Indian 

commodities ; whilst public auctions were held in the 

factory for the sale of British broadcloths, glass and 

cutlery, especially sword-blades, and also for the 

sale of lead, copper, quicksilver, and other European 

commodities. The spirit of enterprise was as busy 


Factories, Fortresses, Towns. 5 

amongst the British as in after years. One factor chap. i. 
urged the Company to send ships up the river Indus 
and open up a trade with Central Asia ; whilst another 
tried to persuade the Great Mogul to lay down leaden 
pipes from the river Jumna to the city of Ajmere, a 
distance of more than two hundred miles, in order to 
convey drinkiug-water to the imperial palace in the 
heart of Rajputana. 

In those early days no British ladies were allowed Factory 
to reside in India. If a servant of the Company '" 
happened to be married he was obliged to leave his 
wife in England, The "English House," as it was 
called, was thus a bachelor establishment, without 
ladies, but not without Surat punch or Persian wine. 
An English chaplain read prayers every morning and 
evening, and preached two sermons on Sundays. An 
English surgeon attended the sick factors, and the 
Mogul authorities and other grandees often applied 
for his services, and thus enabled him to promote 
the Company's interests on more than one important 
occasion. The chief of the factory was known as the 
President, but all business was transacted by the 
President with the help of four or five senior mer- 
chants, who met twice a week in council. This 
management of affairs by a President in Council has 
survived the lapse of nearly three centuries. To this 
day the government of presidencies and the vice- 
royalty of India are in each case carried on by a 
President in Council. 

Within a few years the " English House " at Surat Foreign 
waa well known to all European sea-captains and 
voyagers. Not only British travellers, but Italians, 
Germans, and Frenchmen, were heartily welcomed by 
the honest factors at Surat. All were impressed with 


G India under British Kdle. 

CHAP. I. the order aod regularity of the establishment, in 
which deconim and discipline were as atrictly main- 
taincil as in Leadenball Street or the Cheape. But 
when working hours were over the grave men of 
business proved to be convivial Britons of the old- 
fashioned type, and on Friday evenings especially, all 
the married men met together to drink the health of 
their absent wives to the detriment of their own. 
Foreign guests who could not speak the English 
tongue were in no want of amusement. In 1638 
a young gentleman from Holstein, named Mandelslo, 
spent some months in the "English House," and 
passed the time very pleasantly, visiting the ships 
at anchor outside the bar of the river Tapty, and 
hearing the latest news of Europe from sea-captains 
versed in many languages, or wandering down the 
row of banyans' shops, which often contained as 
much wealth, hidden under dirt and squalor, as 
the houses of London merchants and goldsmiths. 
On Sundays, after sermon, the factors carried off 
their guest to their gardens outside Surat, where 
they all shot at butts, and were regaled with fruit 
and conserves. 
Brituh I'he European gentlemen at Surat were always 
MogolB, polite to Mohammedan grandees, and were generally 
politely treated in return, excepting perhaps at the 
custom-house. British sailors and ill-mannered 
Englishmen would, however, occasionally show a 
contempt for Asiatics, which the President could 
not always restrain. British interlopers on the high 
seas set the Company's charter at defiance, and 
carried on a lawless trade, plundering the Moham- 
medan pilgrim ships and ill-treating the passengers. 
The Mogul authorities insisted that the Company's 


Factories, Fortresses, Towns. 7 

servants were to blame, and would listen to no cuap. i. 
explanation, but sent large bodies of Mogul soldieiy 
to environ the "English House," and stop all trade, 
cutting off all food and water, until a sufficient fine 
or ransom had been paid. 

About 1620 the East India Company established Trade on 
another factory at Masulipatam, on the eastern side * ^c^t"* 
of India. The Hindus along the coast of Coromandel 
were famous for painting muslins and calicoes, and 
there was a growing demand for such goods amongst 
the eastern islands, whilst valuable cargoes of nutmegs 
and other spices could be obtained in exchange. But 
Masulipatam was seated in Mohammedan territoiy. 
A Sultan of the Deccan, reigning at Golconda, had 
extended his dominion eastward to the coast of 
Cororoaadel, and established the port of Masulipatam 
for the importation of horses from the Persian Gulf. 
The traders at the British factory were there- 
fore cramped and worried by the Mohammedan 
authorities, and yearned to effect a settlement on 
the territories of some Hindu Raja further south, 
where they could fortify a factory and mount it 
with British cannon without the interference of local 

§3. In 1639 a British merchant named Day bought British 
a strip of territory on the Coromandel coast, about and 
300 miles to the south of Masulipatam. It was '"mX" 
within the dominions of a Hindu Raja, and was '*'*■ 
about six miles long and one mile inland. It in- 
cluded a small island, which faced the sea and was 
defended on the land side by a river. Mr. Day 
agreed to pay the Raja a rent of 5001. a year in 
native coin known as pagodas, and the transaction 


8 India under British Rple. 

CHAP. I. was duly engraved on a plate of gold. A factory of 
brick was built upon the island, and mounted with 
cannon, and called Fort St. George. The Raja was 
perfectly content. He was too glad to get a rent 
of 500/. a year to raise any diflSculty as regards 
fortifications or cannon. 
Fort This factory was the germ of the city of Madras, 
BDd BL^ °" ^^^ coast of Coromandel. Weavers, washers. 
Town, painters, and hosts of other Hindu artisans, flocked to 
the spot and eagerly entered the service of the 
British, and began to set up their looms and to 
weave, wash, and paint their cotton goods in the 
open air beneath the trees. Villages of little huts of 
mud and bamboo soon grew up on the sandy soil to 
the north of the island and factory. Each avocation 
formed a caste, which generally had its own quarters 
and its own head-man. In this manner a Hindu 
settlement grew up by the side of Fort St. George 
and was known as Black Town ; and the whole 
locality, including Fort St George and Black Town, 
was called Madras, and was the first territory ac- 
qiiired by the East India Company in India. 
Despotio The transition of the British traders from a factory 
under Mohammedan control to an independent 
settlement of their own must have been a grateful 
change. The President and Council at Fort St. 
George were de facto rulers of the whole settlement, 
native as weU as European, with all the powers of 
despotic princes and with no interference from 
without They acted as a supreme court of judica- 
ture for Englishmen in all cases civil and criminal ; 
no Englishman, however, could be condemned to 
death unless convicted of piracy, which was regarded 
as the most heinous of crimes. On all other capital 


Factorims, Fortkbsses, Towns. 9 

charges the Englishman waa sent to England for chap. i. 
trial ^ 

Four miles to the south of Fort St. George was p^^tu- 
the Portuguese town of St. Thorn^ ; but the Portu- 8';^t"h* 
gueae were now friends with the English, Their ^R^- 
power waa being overshadowed "by that of the Dutch, 
who had founded a town and fortress at Pulicat, 
nearly thirty miles to the northward of Fort St. 

The Dutch settlements in India were the outcome Dutch 
of the hostility of Spain. For centuries the Dutch ludia. 
had been the carriers of Europe, &om the Medi- 
terranean to the Baltic. In the period which 
preceded the sixteenth century they had bought 
Indiui commodities at Genoa, Naples and Venice. 

' The anthoritieB for the present cliapter, which deals ivibh the 
rise and early development of British rule in India, are Eome- 
vhat nnmerons. The most important are the QoTemment 
records at Madras, in which the weekly transactions of the 
Qovemor and Council are entered at foil length in a series 
known a» " Consultations." Every year a copy of the " Consnl- 
tatione " was sent to the Coort of Directors, together with a 
Bnmmary of the affairs of the year as a " Qeneral Letter ; " and 
every year a "General Letter" was received from the Court 
of Directors, reviewing the " Consultations," and conveying in- 
stmotions and orders thereon. The Madras records have been 
closely investigated by the author from 1670 to 1748; and 
printed extracts were published at Madras in 1860-62, in 
three volumes small quarto, under the title of Madrae in tJia 
Olden Time. To them may be added Bruce's Anruiia qf the 
Matt India Comptmi/ ; Sir Thomas Boe's Joumai of a Misgion to 
the Great Mogul in 1616-18; and the travels of Fietro della 
Valle, Tavernier, Thevenotand Fryer; as well oe Orme's History 
((f Bindvetan, Stewart's Hiaiory of Bengal, Faria y Sonza's 
Jliatory qf PortvgtiMe Asia, and Shaw's Predeeettore qf Uie High 
Court at Madrag. Further authorities will be found cited in the 
author's History ^ India from the Earlieet Age», and in his Early 
Secordt q/" Britieh India, 


10 India under British Rcle. 

CHAP. I. After the Portuguese established a trade in India, the 
Dutch went every year to Lisbon to buy Indian 
commodities for the European markets. In 1580 
they threw off the yoke of Spain, and founded the 
United Provinces. That same year Spain and Portu- 
gal were formed into one kiogdom under Philip II. 
In an evil hour for Portuguese interests in India, 
Philip thought to punish the Dutch by shutting them 
out of Lisbon. The Dutch revenged themselves by 
sailing round the Cape and buying what they wanted 
in the islands of the Eastern Archipelago. In 1600 
they built a factory in Java, which grew into the 
city of Batavia. In 1610 they built a square fort 
on the Pulicat Lake, which grew into the town of 
Pulicat and threatened to become the capital of 
Dutch ascendency in India. 
Kigiit nnd The Indian quarter at Madras was almost entirely 
Hradit. Hindu. Scarcely a Mohammedan took up his abode 
within the Company's bounds. Accordingly one of 
the earliest acts of the President and Council was to 
divide the streets of Black Town into those of the 
right and left hand. All over Southern India, the 
lower castes of Hindus are divided into Right and 
Left Hands, and yet no one can account for the 
distinction, or satisfactorily define the respective 
rights of each Hand. 

The so-called Hiinds are, however, intensely jealous 
of each other. For generations each Hand in the 
towns of Southern India has had its own streets and 
its own pagoda. At Madras, if one Hand passed 
in religious procession along the streets of the other 
Hand, or if the members of one Hand chanted 
Hindu hymns or mantras before the pagoda of the 
other, a fray would break out in Black Town, which 


Factobies, Fortresses, Towns. 1 1 

could only be suppressed by British soldiers, and chap, r. 
then would be followed by a strike of weavers or 
painters, or the flight of all the members of one Hand 
to the Portuguese settlement at St. Thom^. These 
conflicts, which more than once brought the settle- 
ment to the brink of ruin, reached a climax in 
Governor Pitt's time, as will appear hereafter. 

Meanwhile, the country round about Madras was Moh*™- 
in a state of turmoil. The Mohammedan army of the i^^wimi. 
Sultan of Golconda was advancing against the Hindu 
Rajaa of the south, and formed a camp in the 
neighbourhood. The Raja who had sold the territory 
to the East India Company fled away to the interior, 
and was never heard of more. The Mohammedan 
army captured the Portuguese town of St. Thome, 
dismantled the walls of the fortress, and carried off 
the cannon to Golconda; and they would have 
treated Fort St. George in like fashion, had not the 
British stoutly resisted, and quieted the Sultan by 
engaging to pay him the rent which they had pre- 
viously paid to the Raja. 

About 1670, or some thirty years after the TronUM 
foundation of Madras, the state of afl'airs was com- Dutch anJ 
plicated by Charles 11. 's unholy alliance with France ^[^"^ 
against the Dutch. A French fleet attacked St. 
Thom^ and drove out the Mohammedans. A Dutch 
fleet from Pulicat recaptured St. Thome, drove out 
the French, and restored the place to the Sultan of 
Golconda. The British settlement was in sore peril ; 
but in 1674 there was peace between Great Britain 
and Holland, and the danger was over. 

These troubles brought many strangers to Madras, increasa of 
and the population, white and black, was largely ^on^' 
increased. Many Portuguese iamilies from St. 


12 India under British Rule. 

cBAT^i. Thome took refuge in Madras, and added to the 
strength of tho European settlement, known as 
White Town, by building houses under the protec- 
tion of the factory guns. The British factors and 
soldiers of the garrison married the daughters of 
the Portuguese, much to the horror of the English 
chaplain of Fort St. George, as the marriages were 
accompanied by numerous conTersions of bride- 
grooms to the Catholic faith. At the same time 
wealthy Hindu traders and bankers began to build 
substantial houses in Black Town for the sake of 
British protection. Many invested their money in 
trading voyages ; some acted as brokers or banyans 
for the supply of Indian commodities to the Company's 
servants ; others bought European goods at the 
public auctions, and supplied the native dealers up 

Fort §*• Within forty years of the buOding of the 
^m^W' ^^^^^ factory, Madras was the pride and glory of 
the Eaat India Company. Fort St. George, or White 
Town, was a European city in miniature. The 
primitive factory in the centre was replaced by a 
stately mansion with a dome, which was known as 
the Governor's House, but included a town-halt, a 
council-chamber, and sundry offices. It was seated 
in an open square, having a strong wall along each of 
its four sides, guards' houses, and bastions at each 
corner mounted with cannon. Outside the fortifica- 
tion were little streets, paved with pebbles, containing 
about fifty European houses. There was also a 
Protestant church for the English inhabitants, and 
a Catholic chapel for the Portuguese residents. The 
whole of White Town was environed by an outer 


Factories, Fohteesses, Towns. 13 

wall, sufficiently fortified to keep ofi" an Indian army. chap. r. 
None but Britons, or Europeans under British pro- 
teefcion, were permitted to reside in White Town. 
The garrison consisted of two companies of European 
soldiers, and a large number of native guards, who 
were known as peons. 

At this time the population of the native town was Hindu 
estimated at 300,000 souls, but was probably half ^, 
that number, and an attempt was made to intro- ^^^ 
duce something like a representative government. 
Whenever the Governor and Council desired to 
know the wishes of the people generally, or to act 
with their consent, they summoned the head-men 
of castes, and consulted them accordingly. Justice, 
however, was administered by two English gentlemen, 
who sat twice a week in Black Town in a building 
known as the Choultry. The Justices of the Choultry 
tried ail offences and disputes amongst the Hindus, 
and fined, flogged, or imprisoned at discretion. The 
old English punishments of the stocks, the pillory, 
and the gallows were also in full force in Black Town, 
bat no Hindu was executed without the confirmation 
of the Governor and Council. The Justices of the 
Choultry were bound by no code of laws ; they were 
simply instructed by the Directors of the Company in 
England to decide all cases, civil and criminal, accord- 
ing to "equity and good conscience," guided by 
English law and their own experiences of Hindu 
customs and usages.' A Hindu superintendent of 
police was appointed under the title of " Pcdda 

' The MofuBsil Courts, and tbe High Coart in Appeals from 
the Mofassil Courts, are atill required to decide, according to 
"equity and good conscience." See the "High Court amended 
Charters " granted in 1866. 


14 -India under Britise Rule. 

CHAP. 1. Naik," or "elder cMef ;" and he was bound to main 
tain a certain number of constables known as peons, 
and keep the peace of the town. He was expected 
to prevent theft and burglary, and either to recover 
stolen property, or to pay the value to the owner. 
In return, the Pedda Naik was allowed to cultivate a 
few fields rent free, and to levy a small octroi duty, 
or toll, on articles of Hindu consumption. 

Protection Xho main difiicultv at Madras was to keep the 

of Hindns. , , t. it /. i ■ 

peace between the ll-uropean soldiers of the gamaon 
and the Hindu population. Any European soldier 
who remained outside the Fort at night time was set 
publicly in the stocks for a whole day. Any European 
who attempted to get over the Fort walls, was im- 
prisoned in irons for one entire month, and kept on 
rice and water. Any soldier who threatened to 
strike a Hindu was whipped. Any European who took 
an article out of a shop or bazaar, under pretence of 
buying it at his own price, was sentenced to pay 
treble the value to the party aggrieved. 
QueaUon Another difficulty was to keep the streets of Black 
UMtion. Town clean and wholesome. The Governor and 
Council summoned the heads of castes, and proposed 
to levy a small tax on every house. The heads 
assented to the measure, but offered to carry out the 
work themselves, and to raise the necessary funds in the 
same way that they levied contributions from their 
respective castes for defraying the cost of public 
festivals. All this, however, was a blind on their 
part to delude the British Governor and Council. 
Nothing was done by the heads of castes, no money 
was collected, and the streets were dirtier than ever. 

Meanwhile Madras was threatened by the Sultan of 
Golconda, and the Directors in England instnicted the 


Factoribs, Fortresses, Towns. Ij 

Grovernor and Council at Madras to build a wall round cnAP. r. 
Black Town, and meet the cost by levying a small Contu- 
ground-rent from each houeeholder. In this ease no hcwiaoC 
difficulty was anticipated. The Hindus might ignore **" 
the importance of sanitation, but they could scarcely 
refuse to contribute towards the defence of their 
lives and property, to say nothing of their wives 
and families. The heads of castes, however, raised 
strong objections, but found that the Governor waa 
bent on carrying out the orders of the Court of 
Directors. The heads of castes were told that the 
rents must be paid, and that those who refused to pay 
must be prepared to sell their houses and leave the 
British settlement. At this threat they all promised 
to pay, bat secretly prepared for a general uprising. 

Suddenly, one Sunday morning, the 3rd of Januarj', Hiudu 
1686, it was known in Fort St. George that the Hindu "lasa!"' 
population of Black Town were rebelling in Asiatic 
fashion. Under the orders of the heads of castes, the 
Hindu servants of the Company had thrown up their 
duties, bazaar dealers had shut up their shops, and 
provisions and grain were kept out of the town. The 
Governor in Fort St. George sent a detachment of the 
British garrison to guard the entrances to Black Town 
and suppress the tumult. Proclamation was made 
by beat of drum that unless the heads submitted 
before sunset, their houses would be pulled down on 
the following morning, the sites sold by auction, and 
the rebels and their families banished for ever. 
Hindus who failed to return to their duties would be 
discharged &om the Company's service ; dealers who 
kept their shops closed would be heavily fined and all 
their goods confiscated. These peremptory orders had 
the desired effect. The heads of castes seemed to be 


16 India dhdek British Rule. 

CHAP. I. completely cowed. Before sunset they appeared at 
the Fort and begged pardon for their rebellion, and 
were told to put an end to the tumult in Black Town. 

Whole- Next morning the heads of castes returned to the 
despotum. ^^^^ *"d presented a petition, begging to be relieved 
from the payment of the ground-rent. Each man 
was asked in turn whether he would leave the town, 
and each in turn said that he would submit, and then 
the whole body declared with one voice that they 
would not pay the t-ax. Proclamation was at once 
made by beat of drum that the orders of Sunday 
would be immediately put in execution. The Hindus 
bent to the storm. They saw that they were at the 
mercy of their British rulers. The shops were opened, 
provisions were brought into the town, and all the 
artisans and servants of the Company returned to 
their duties. The ground-rents were collected without 
demur, and later on the scavenger-tax was raised 
without difficulty. 

Mbjot. § 5, When the news of these disturbances reached 
and ' England, the Directors in Leadenhall Street, or rather 

Yi^sT^ their once celebrated chairman, the great Sir Josiah 
Child, devised a scheme for rendering municipal 
taxation acceptable to the native population. A 
charter was obtained from James II. for founding 
a corporation in Madras, consisting of a mayor, 
twelve aldermen, and sixty burgesses ; but it was 
suggested by the Court of Directors that the heads of 
Hindu castes, as well as Britons, might be appointed 
aldermen and burgesses, and it was hoped that the 
corporation would be willing to tax themselves and 
the inhabitants generally, for keeping the town clean, 
improving the public health, building a guild-hall 


Factories, Fortresses, Towns. 17 

and hospitals, and establishing schools for teaching ■ "ak i. 
the English tongue to Hindus, Mohammedans, and 
other Indian children. Before the Governor and 
Council at Madras could offer a single suggestion, 
they received instructions cut and dried. The mayor 
and three senior aldermen were always to he cove- 
nanted British servants of the East India Company, 
and they alone were to be Justices of the Peace. The 
remaining nine might belong to any nationality, and 
included Portuguese, Hindu, and Jewish merchants 
having dealings with the Company at Madras, Thirty 
burgesses were named in the charter, but they were 
all Englishmen ; and the remainder were to include 
the heads of all the castes, so as to induce the wholo 
of the Hindu inhabitants to contribute cheerfully to 
the public works already specified. The mayor and 
aldeimen were to wear red silk gowns, and the 
burgesses white silk gowns, and maces were to be 
carried before the mayor. In a word, all the para- 
phernalia of an English municipality in the seven- 
teenth century were sent to Madras to be adopted 
by the new corporation. 

The new municipality was inaugurated with much Coijwre- 
pomp and ceremony in 1688, the year of the glorious feativitie^ 
Kevolution. The Governor of Madras was outside 
the corporation, but the mayor and three senior 
aldermen were members of council. On Saturday, 
the 29th of September, 1688, the Governor received 
the mayor, aldermen, and burgesses in the council- 
chamber at Fort St. George. The members of the 
new corporation then took the oaths and sat down to 
a corporation dinner ; and after a while they all 
marched to the town-hall in their several robes, with 
the maces before the mayor. Nothing, however, 1% 


18 India under Bkitish Role. 

CHAP. I, said about the heads of castes, aad nothing more 
about the burgesses. 

F»ilnMof The mayor and aldermen were to be a Court of 
rule Record, with power to try all causes, crlmiual and 
civil, in a summary way, according to " equity and 
good conscience," and such laws and orders as might 
be made by the Company. The corporation were 
authorised to levy taxes for building a guild-hall, a 
public jail, and a school-house for teaching English, 
arithmetic, and merchants' accounts to Indian chil- 
dren, and for payment of the necessary salaries. Hence- 
forth, two aldermen sat as justices of the Choultry ; 
but the corporation raised no tax and founded no 
institution, and eventually died out from sheer want 
of vitality. 

si»wy § 6. All this while the slave trade was an institution 
Hindu in Madras, and indeed, throughout Southern India. 
In most of the Hindu kingdoms of the Peninsula, the 
farm-labourers were slaves or serfs attached to the 
soil ; they were probably aboriginal populations who 
had been reduced to slavery by their conquerors. 
Prisoners of war, male and female, were also com- 
pelled to serve the conquerors as domestic servants, 
and treated as slaves of the family. 
Hobam When Turks and Afghans introduced Mohammedan 
aiaveiy. rule, slavery was recognised, but Hindu slaves might 
raise their condition by embracing Islam, and the 
converts might become important personages in the 
household, and marry female members of the family. 
The favourites of a grandee or Sultan might even 
marry a daughter, and rise to the rank of steward of 
the household or minister of state, like Joseph in the 
court of the Pharaohs. 


Factories, Fortresses, Towns. 19 

When the Moguls eatabliahed their dominion over chap. i. 
Northern India there was a change for the better. It Mogul 
was a fundamental law of the Moguls that no tions. 
subject should be enslaved, but only captives taken 
in war. This law was still enforced when the 
Moguls became Mohammedans, for they always 
looked upon the slavery of subjects with horror, 
whatever might be their race or religion. Foreign 
slaves, male and female, provided they were not 
Mohammedans, were sold by private dealers, or in the 
public bazaar.* 

Unfortunately, the Portuguese and other nations of Pwtu- 
Europe had not as yet awakened to the iniquity of trade, 
slavery and the slave trade. During the Portuguese 
wars in Africa, Moors and Negroes were carried oflF as 
prisoners of war and sold as slaves in Lisbon. In 
India the Portuguese established depots for the 
purchase of slaves. At Goa female slaves were to be 
found in every Portuguese household, and some- 
times were sent into the streets to sell sweetmeats 
and confectionary, and earn money for their masters 
in other ways. 

For many years large numbers of Hindu slaves Kidnap, 
were brought from Bengal. The Portuguese had been Sn^!" 
permitted to build a factory at Hughly, on the river 

• This was notoriously the case at Sorat, where female slaves 
might be pnrcbased by Europeaos. There was a Dutch factory 
at Surat of the same stamp as the British factory, and its married 
inmates were in like manner forbiddeu to bring their wives from 
Holland. But when the Batch got posseasion of Java, they 
offered grants of land to married Dutchmen, and, according to 
Pietro della Talle, there was a sudden change in domestic arrange- 
ments. Dutch bachelors were in such a hurry to go to JaTs, 
that they married Armenian Christians, or went off to the 
bazaar and bought female slaves and baptieed them and married 
them without loss of time, 

C 2 


20 India under British Rule. 

oHAp. I. Hughly, about 120 miles from the sea. During 
an interval of civil war they fortified this settle- 
ment and landed numerous cannon, whilst a native 
town grew up in the neighbourhood. Meanwhile, 
the scum of Goa and other Portuguese towns, chiefly 
military deserters and apostate monks, had estab- 
lished themselves on the islands near the mouths of 
the Ganges, built a fleet of galleys, and led the lives 
of pirates, brigands, and kidnappers. These men 
were the pest of the Sunderbunds. They scoured 
the waterways of the delta of the Ganges, carried ofi" 
whole villages into slavery, and especially delighted 
in capturing marriage processions, with the bride and 
bridegroom and all their kinsfolk and acquaintance 
in the bravery of silks and jewels. The Portuguese 
at Hughly were base enough to deal with these 
villains, to buy the poor wretches who had been 
kidnapped, and to ship them to Goa, where they 
were sold as slaves at the daily auctions on the 
Exchange, together with other commodities from all 
parts of the world. The rascally kidnappers at the 
mouths of the Ganges, and the pious traders at 
Hughly, alike quieted their consciences by baptising 
their victims, and boasting of having saved their 
souls from hell. 

Vengeance Such a State of things aiouscd the Great Mogul 
Grwit to take action. The very existence of a Portuguese 
**" ■ fortress and cannon within his dominions had given 
mortal offence, and this unholy slave trade sealed the 
fate of the Portuguese at Hughly. The settlement 
was environed by a Mogul army. There was a rush 
of ladies and children to the shipping, but the river 
was low and the vessels ran aground. There was 
absolutely no way of escape ; all provisions were cut 


Factories, Forthesses, Towns. 21 

off, and the Portuguese were starved into Burrender. chap. i. 
Five or aii hundred prisoners, many of noble birth, 
were sent to Agra. Some saved their lives by 
turning Mohammedans ; others, mostly priests, 
perished as mart3T8; the choicest of the lads and 
maidens were sent to the palace of the Great Mogul, 
and the remainder were distributed amongst the 
mansions of the Mohammedan grandees. For gene- 
rations afterwards the doom of the Portuguese at 
Hughly was likened to the Babylonian captivity of 
the Hebrews. 

Hughly was captured in 1632. Seven years later siaretrada 
the British built their factory at Madras, on the coast ' 
of Coromandel. At every Portuguese settlement in 
Southern India the slave trade was still in full awing, 
for the away of the Great Mogul had only been 
extended over the northern part of the Deccan, and 
was as yet far away from the Peninsula. Accordingly 
the British traders at Madras connived at the expor- 
tation of slaves by sea. Some restraints, however, 
were placed upon kidnapping by insisting on the 
registration of every slave bought or sold in Madras, 
together with the names of the seller and purchaser, 
in order that the information might be given in the 
event of any inquiry by kinsfolk or acquaintance, and 
also that a fee might be levied on the registration 
of every slave. 

In 1688 the British rulers of Madras abolished G»»t 
the slave trade by public proclamation. The Great oonqWi 
M(^l, the once famous Aurangzeb, was engaged Dec.4n. 
in conquering the Sultans of the Deccan. Unlike 
his predecessors, Aurangzeb was a bigoted Sunni, or a 
zealous believer in the four Caliphs who succeeded 
Mohammed. The Sultans of the Beccan were Shiahs 


22 India under British Rule. 

CHAP. I. who damned the first three Caliphs as usurpers, and 
swore that Ali, and Ali only, the son-in-law of the 
Prophet, the husband of Tatima and the father of 
Hassan and Hosein, was the rightful successor of 
Mohammed. Under such circumstances Aurangzeb 
was impelled by pious zeal for the interest of the 
Sunni religion to conquer and slay the heretic 
Sultans of the Deccan and annex their domioions 
to the Mogul empire. He next prepared to march 
his army further south into the Peninsula, with the 
view of conquering the Hindu Raj&3 and compelling 
their idolatrous subjects to accept the religion of the 

stwptge The British at Madras were greatly alarmed at the 
bj^,, threatened approach of the Great Mogul. They 
*^"- were naturally afraid of sharing the fate of the Por- 
tuguese at Hughly. Accordingly they abolished the 
slave trade by proclamation, and sent numerous 
petitions to Aurangzeb, tendering their submission 
to the Great Mogul, praising his imperial majesty 
to the skies, imploring his protection as though he 
had been another Cyrus or Darius, and engaging to 
pay the old rent of 500?. per annum in pagodaa 
Matters were finally arranged, but it is grievous to 
add that the pious Aurangzeb was not so careful 
of the welfare of the Hindus as his liberal and 
tolerant predecessors. He preferred the laws of 
Mohammed to those of his Mogul ancestor, Chenghiz 
Khan; and within a few years the slave trade at 
Madras was aa brisk as ever. 

BritiBh § 7. The Mogul conquest of the Sultans of the 

"" ■ Deccan drove many Mohammedans to settle at Madras- 

The British traders protected the lives and property of 


Factories, Forteessks, Towns. 23 

Hindus and Mohammedans, and permitted them to chap. i. 
worship as they pleased. lu early days, the Directors 
had repeatedly pressed their servants at Madras to 
convert the Hindu worshippers of idols to the truths 
of Chrietianity, and no one in the British Isles seems 
to have doubted the possibility or expediency of the 
work. The British traders at Madras, however, 
deprecated any interference whatever. They de- 
scribed a terrible riot that broke out at St. Thom^ 
. because of some interference with a Hindu procession, 
and they urged that the frays between the Right and 
Left Hands were sufficiebt proof that it was best to 
leave the Hindus alone. As for Mohammedans, they 
were the subjects of the Great Mogul, and inter- 
ference with the dominant religion in India was out 
of the question. 

During the latter years of the seventeenth century, Flonrfsh- 
tbe British settlement at Madras had grown into a trade. 
principality, independent, and self-contained. At 
the same time it presented rare attractions to 
traders, Asiatic as well as European. The Com- 
pany's servants were paid very small salaries, but 
were allowed the privilege of private trade in the 
eastern seas, so long as they paid customs and did not 
interfere with the European trade. Every Company's 
servant in Madras, from the Governor to the 
youngest writer, engaged more or less in trading 
ventures. The number of traders was swelled by 
private individuals who came from England, under 
the licence of the Court of Directors ; as well as by 
Hindu, Mohammedan, and Armenian merchants, who 
often took shares with the Company's servants. 
Moreover, this private trade increased the demand 
for European commodities which were sold by public 


India undke Bbitish Rule. 

auction in Fort St. George, and swelled the revenue 
of the East India Company which was derived from 
the sea customs. 
[ Meanwhile the British situation at the Mogul port 
of Surat had become intolerable. The religious 
fanaticism of Aurangzeb had stirred up hatred and 
discontent amongst Christiiins and Hindus. The 
factors at the English House were more oppressed 
than ever. On the north their trade was cut oflF by 
the Rajput princes of Western Hindustan, who were 
revolting against the Great Mogul and stopping the 
caravans between Surat and Agra. On the south 
they were exposed to the Mahrattas of the Western 
Deccau, who attacked and pluodered Surat, and 
would have plundered the English House had not 
the factors surreptitiously landed some cannon, and 
called in the British sailors from the shipping, and 
manfully beaten off their assailants. 

Fortunately, the British had taken possession of 
the island of Bombay, which Charles the Second 
had obtained from the King of Portugal as part of 
the dowry of the Infanta Catharine, and made over 
to the East India Company. Bombay was nearly two 
hundred miles to the south of Surat, and hedged 
around by the Mahrattas, but being an island it was 
well protected, and included both a fortress and a town. 
Moreover, it had a magnificent harbour, and the 
valuable trade with the Persian Gulf, the Red Sea, 
and the Mozambique could be better carried on from 
this harbour than over the bar of Surat at the 
mouth of the river Tapty. Accordingly the East 
India Company secretly resolved on leaving Surat for 
ever, and removing the British factors and their trade 
to the island of Bombay. 


Factories, Fortresses, Towns. 25 

In Bengal the East India Company had established cBxr. i. 
a factory at Hughly, hard by the dismantled Portu- Benmi 
gueae fortress ; but were exposed to so much insolence 1640-86. 
and extortion from the Mogul authorities that they 
were prepared to leave Bengal rather than tamely 
submit to further oppression. The trade was enor- 
mously profitable, and had helped to defray the 
cost of the fortifications at Madras and Bombay. 
Saltpetre had been in large demand ever since the 
breaking out of the civil war between Charles the 
First and his parliament. Raw silk and opium were 
equally marketable, and all three products could be 
brought from Patna to Hughly by the river Ganges, 
At Dacca, the old capital of Bengal to the eastward 
of the Ganges, muslins were manufactured of so fine 
a texture that a piece sufficient for a dress might be 
passed through a wedding ring; and every young 
lady in the Britkh Isles who aspired to be a bride 
was equally anxious to be led to the altar in a cloud 
of Dacca muslin. Aurangzeb, however, stopped the 
supply of saltpetre, because the Sultan of Turkey 
complained that it was used by Christians in their 
wars against true believers ; whilst the Nawab of 
Bengal, who resided at Dacca, was most over- 
bearing, and on one occasion ordered that Mr. Job 
Chamock, the chief of the Hughly factory, should 
be imprisoned and scourged, and his orders were 
literally obeyed by the Hughly officials. 

§ 8. Sir Josiah Child, the chairman of the Court of pkiw of 

Directors, was endowed with real political genius, ch^' 

but he was imperious and headstrong. He resolved ^^^^' 
to make war upon the Great Mogul, and compel him 
to make reparation for the misdeeds of the Nawab of 


India dhder British Rule. 

. Bengal, and to cede sufficient territory for the estab- 
lishment of a fortress and a town corresponding to 
the settlements at Madras and Bombay. He pro- 
posed to coerce the Great Mogul by sending out 
the Company's cruisers from Bombay to capture the 
Mogul ships going to Mecca, until Aurangzeb 
came to terms. He also persuaded James 11. to 
send a Royal fleet to Bengal to ensure the success 
of his scheme. Should his plans fail, should Au- 
rangzeb prove obstinate and impracticable, it was 
intended to form an alliance with the Raja of 
Arakan, on the eastern side of the Bay of Bengal, 
and promise to help him in his wars against the 
Great Mogul, provided he ceded the required terri- 
tory at Chittagong. In short. Sir Josiah Child 
proposed to overawe the Mogul and establish 
British trade with India on a lasting basis for the 
future by means of three great fortresses — one at 
Madras, a second at Bombay, and a third in Bengal 
or at Chittagong. 

a Unfortunately Sir Josiah Child was unable to cope 
with the craft and capacity of Aurangzeb. That 
keen-witted sovereign had spies in all directions, and 
was gifted with such a power of divining what was 
going on that he was often suspected of employing 
supernatural agency. Meanwhile, Sir Josiah Child 
was maintaining such profound secrecy that no Eng- 
lishman on the Bengal side knew what was going 
on at Surat or Bombay, and no Englishman on the 
Bombay side knew what was going on in the Bay of 
Bengal, whilst the British at Madras knew nothing 
whatever of the plans in operation. 

The blundering that followed was most disastrous. 
Whilst the Company's cruisers were capturing Mogul 


Factories, Forteks8E8, Towns. 27 

ships as lawful prize, Aurangzeb drew the Surat factors chap. i. 
into his clutches, and threatened to put them to death Blunder* 
unless the prizes were restored and vast sums paid dull^ura. 
by way of ransom. Meanwhile, the Royal fleet arrived 
in Bengal, and made its way up the river Hughly, 
under the command of a certain Captain Heath, who 
would listen to no advice and regarded Asiatics with 
contempt, whilst he was ready to make war on 
anybody. He brought away Mr. Job Chamock and 
the British factors from Hughly, with all their goods 
and records. He captured all the Mogul ships he 
encountered in the Hughly river. He bombarded a 
Mogul town at the mouth of the river. Meanwhile, 
the Nawab of Bengal was in a panic of fear at Dacca, 
willing to make any terms provided only that the - 
terrible admiral would leave Bengal and solemnly 
promise never to return. 

The Royal fleet sailed to Arakan and frightened Ahot- 
the Raja into a state of utter bewilderment. The ■dmirai. 
Raja could make nothing of the offer of the admiral 
to help him against the Great Mogul, nor of the de- 
mand for the cession of Chittagong, and he naturally 
vacillated, prevaricated, and procrastinated. The ad- 
miral was blind with rage and mortification, and 
would have captured Chittagong by force of arms ; 
but the place was too strong for him. Accordingly, 
he sailed away to Madras in a towering fury, and 
landed Mr. Chamock and the British factors at 
Madras, swearing that he had heard nothing but 
deceit and lies since he first entered the Bay of 

The East India Company submitted to the Great Hnmiiia- 
Mogul, but the great Josiah Child must have found 
it a bitter pill. The prizes were restored, a vast fine 


28 India under British Rule. 

CHAP. I. was paid, and pardon was humbly implored before 

the Surat factors were restored to liberty. 
cdcutta Meanwhile, the Moguls had learned to respect the 
"i89o. ' British. The fugitives from Hughly were invited to 
return to Bengal, and permitted to purchase a strip 
of land on the eastern bank of the Hughly river, 
about twenty miles nearer the sea than their old 
factory. It was three miles long and one mile inland, 
and included the three native villages of Chutanutti, 
Govindpore, and Kali Ghat, which grew into a na- 
tive town resembling that of Madras. Later on, the 
Hindus round about revolted against Mogul oppres- 
sion, and the British took advantage of the general 
alarm to convert their factory into a fortress and to 
give it the name of Fort William, in honour of the 
Prince of Orange. The native settlement was known 
by the name of Calcutta, after the village of Kali 
Ghat, or the " landing place of the goddess Kali" 
Thus the dream of Josiah Child was realised, and 
British trade in India was protected by three fortresses 
and three towns — Madras, Bombay, and Calcutta. 
Indian From the end of the seventeenth century to the 
lyoo^'o. middle of the eighteenth the Company's settlements 
were for the most part shut out from the Indian 
world. The British had learned their lesson and 
kept quiet, and the Moguls were busy fighting the 
Mahrattas, and left them very much alone. The 
Mogul conquests in the Deccan were made over to 
a Mogul Viceroy known as the Nizam, whilst those 
in the eastern Peninsula round about Madras were 
placed in charge of a Nawab who was known as the 
Nawab of the Carnatic. Meanwhile, the Moguls 
kept the Mahrattas quiet by the payment of a yearly 
black-mail known as chout, or " chautk," which was 


Factories, Fortresses, Towns. 29 

reckoned at one-fourth of the land revenue, but was chaf. i. 
often commuted for a lump sum. Thua India was to 
all outward appearance in a state of calm, but it 
was the calm that precedes a storm. 

§ 9. Although the administration of Madi-as was Trpical 
carried on by a Governor and Council, yet each GoTsruo™. 
Governor had a strong personal influence and indi- 
viduality. Two of these Governors, an Englishman 
and a Scotchman, may be brought under notice as 
types of all. 

Thomas Pitt, grandfather of the Earl of Chatham, Governor 
was Governor of Madras from 1698 to 1709. In 1702 leag-Vros. 
the Nawab of the Carnatic was staying at St. Thom^, 
trying to squeeze some 50,000/. out of the British at 
Madras. He boasted loudly of his friendship for the 
British whilst his troops were plundering their out- 
lying villages. He was entertained at dinner with 
great pomp at Fort St. George, and gratified with 
preacnta ; but shortly afterwards he environed the 
whole settlement with his army. Pitt held out for 
months, getting his supplies by sea. At last Pitt 
oflFered two or three thousand pounds in rupees, and 
a peace was patched up, and the Nawab went away. 

Governor Pitt was as lofty and mysterious in his impenom 
way as his illustrious grandson. He was much 
irritated by a protracted quarrel between the Right 
and Left Hands. He set up stones to mark the 
boundaries between the streets, but they were 
carried away at night time. The bulk of the Eight 
Hands fled to St. Thom^, and the Hindu populations 
in all the country round about were in great commo- 
tion. Pitt threatened to send a body of European 
soldiers to St Thom6, and put the deserters to the 


India under Bbitish Rule. 

. aword. At this crisis, the Mogul officer at St. Thome 
turned the malcontents out of the town. They 
went back to Madras submissive and crestfallen, and 
begged to be forgiven. From this time, however, the 
distinction between the Right and lieft Hands was 
abolished as far as the streets were concerned, and 
all streets were opened to both Hands. But the old 
strife is still burning in the hearts of the Hindus of 
Southern India. They can be prevented from fight- 
ing with swords and clubs, but they carry the battle 
into the law-courts, where disputes are frequently 
brought to a decision as regards the right of either 
Hand to worship at a particular shrine and in a 
particular way.^ 

Pitt was severe on native offenders. Some thieves 
went off with boat-loads of cotton goods, and the 
gunner at Fort St. George was ordered to fire upon 
them. The thieves escaped, but two peons who 
connived at the robbery were whipped and put in the 
pillory, whilst Governor Pitt thrashed the native 
overaeer with his own hands. 

During the siege of Madras Pitt managed to buy a 

* wonderful diamond from a Golconda jeweller at a 
small price. In after years he sold it to the Regent 
of France for 135,000^,, and it was known as the Pitt 
diamond. The matter created some scandal at the 
time, but is now only remembered in connection with 
Pope's lines : — 

" Aeleep and naked as an Indian lay, 
An honest factor stole his gem away." 

' Abb4 Dubois, who lived many years in Southern IndiA, ooold 
not account for the distinction between the two Hands ; Dr. 
Fryer was told about 1676 that the antagonism was planned by 
the Brahmans to beep the lower castes in subjection. 


Factories, Fortresses, Towns. 31 

James Macrab, a Scotch celebrity, waa Governor cHAl^ i. 
of Madras from 1725 to 1731. He carried out a Govenra 
general survey of Madras and its suburbs for the 1726-so. 
better collection of the quit-rents and scavenger- 
tax. The population of Madras numbered 200,000. 
The expenses of Fort St. George amounted to 20,000Z. 
a year, whilst the revenue from the sea customs was 
under 5,000?. 

The Mayor's Court was re-organised in Governor Mayor's 
Macrae's time under the charter of 1726. It was 
to consist of a mayor and nine aldermen for the 
trial of all civil causes. Seven of the aldermen were 
to be Englishmen, and the remaining two of any 
nation, provided they were Protestant. The new 
court was inaugurated in a style which seems in- 
expreaaibly absurd in the present day. The new 
mayor and aldermen were sworn in with much cere- 
mony, and then left Fort St. George in a grand pro- 
cession of soldiers with kettledrums and trumpets, 
dancing girls with the country music, court attorneys 
with all the chief gentry on horseback, and passed 
through Black Town to the Company's garden in the 
suburbs, where they were received by the Governor 
and Council and duly fSted. 

Meanwhile, the Mogul empire was breaking up. Breaking 
Aurangzeb died in 1707. Within thirty years after mo^ 
his death the power of the Great Moguls had died out ; ^""P""' 
the name and prestige remained, but very little more. 
The successors of Aurangzeb were Jiois/ainSants 
shut up in palaces with wives and concubines, whilst 
all real power was exercised by the Ministers of 
State and the Viceroys of the provinces. In 1738-39 
the British at the three Presidencies were startled by 
the news that Nadir Shah had invaded India with a 


32 Ind[a under British Rule. 

CHAP. I. large Persian army from the north-west, and had 
plundered the city and palaces of Delhi and carried 
away the spoil of Northern India. The payment of 
the Mahratta "chout " was stopped at the Mogul 
treasury, and annies of Mahratta hoi-semen were 
making up the loss by the plunder of the Carnatic 
and Bengal. 

Warwith §10. In 1745 news reached India that war had been 
1745°' declared between Great Britain and France. This 
was alarming newa for the British traders at Madras, 
as the French had cstablislied a flourishing town and 
settlement at Pondieherry, on the coast of Coromandel, 
about a hundicd miles to the south of Madras, and a 
collision might be expected at any moment between 
the two settlements. Moreover, the Governor of 
Pondieherry was a certain M. Dupleix, a Frenchman 
of large capacity and restless ambition, who hated the 
British with all tlic ardour of the typical Frenchman 
of the eighteenth century. The same year a British 
fleet appeared off the coast of Coromandel and 
threatened Pondieherry ; but the Nawab of the 
Carnatic declared that he would have no wars between 
European nations within his territories, and the 
British fleet sailed away. 
Madras lu 1746 a French fleet appeared off Madras, but 

'^inZ ' ^^^ Nawab was not inclined to interfere ; he had, in 
fact, been bought over by M. Dupleix, the French 
Governor of Pondieherry. The French bombarded 
Fort St. George ; the native inhabitants fled from 
Madras ; and the British inhabitants were carried in 
triumph to Pondieherry as prisoners of war. 

The Nawab of the Carnatic affected to be very 
angry at this bombardment of Madras. He demanded 


Factoiiik3, F0RTEES8ES, Towns. 33 

that the settlement should be transferred to his ohar i. 
authority, and sent an army of 10,000 MoituIb to Tnatch 
take possession of the town and fortress. 1 o his utter Mo^ 
amazement the army of 10,000 Moguls was utterly "°'^' 
routed by a battalion of 800 Frenchmen. From that 
day it was felt throughout Southern India that no 
Mogul army could stand against the rapid firing of 
disciplined Europeans. In 1748 the war between 
Great BritaiD and France was over for a while, and 
Madras was restored to the British. 

Later on, the death of the Nizam of the Deccan BriUknt 
threw the whole country into confusion. Rival Dupi«iz. 
kinsmen began to fight for the throne of the province 
without any reference to the Great MoguL Dupleii 
plunged at once into the fray. He saw that a French 
force might turn the scale of victory, and he moved a 
French army, under the command of Bussy, to help 
a victorious candidate as occasion served, without the 
slightest regard to the rightnesa or wrongness of his 
claim. In 1751 he had realised his dream of ambi- 
tion. He had placed a Nizam on the throne at 
. Hyderabad, and he was rewarded with the cession of 
a territory stretching 600 miles along the coast, for 
the m^tenance of a French standing army. To 
crown all, he induced the Nizam to appoint him 
Nawab of the Camatic ; and, in spite of Dupleix being 
a Frenchman and a Catholic, the appointment was 
actually made under the seal of the Great Mogul. 
Meanwhile, the British had supported the claim of a 
Mogul prince named Mohammed All to the throne 
of the Camatic, but had been circumvented at every 
toTQ, and were now called upon to acknowledge 
the superior authority of their bitter enemy 


34 India undee Bbitish Rule. 

oH*p. I. British rule in Southern India was at its last gasp. 

Trinmph If Dupleix could only have got hold of Mohammed 
cUto. Ali, he might have been master of the Carnatic ; 
Madras might have been a French settlement, and a 
French Governor and Council might have taken the 
place of the British in Fort St. George. As it was, 
Mohammed Ali was very nearly surrendering. He 
had fled away to seek the help of the Hindu Rajas of 
the south, and was being closely besieged by the 
French in the city of Trichinopoly, 180 miles to the 
south of Arcot. At this crisis Robert Clive saved 
the East India Company. He left Madras with a 
small force, and after a march of seventy miles into 
the interior, threw himself into the city of Arcot, 
the capital of the Carnatic, where the Nawabs of the 
Carnatic had held their court for more than half a 
century. The native garrison fled at his approach, 
and the inhabitants, numbering 100,000, offered no 
resistance. The French were aghast at hearing that 
the capital of the Carnatic was in the hands of the 
British. They despatched a large force from Trichi- 
nopoly, but failed to recover Arcot. In the end 
they raised the siege of Trichinopoly, and Mohammed 
Ali was delivered out of their hands and placed by 
the British in possession of the Carnatic, to the 
exclusion of Dupleix and ruin of his ambitious 

Tr»ged7 British and French were now anxious for peace, 

Calcutta, and agreed to make Dupleix their scapegoat. They 
^ threw the whole blame of the war upon the unfortu- 
nate Frenchman, who returned to France and died in 
poverty. In 1755 a treaty was patched up at Pondi- 
cherry, but was never executed. In 1756, on the eve 
of the Seven Years' War, terrible news arrived from 



Bengal The Nawab had captured the settlement at chap, l 
Calcutta ; and a hundred and twenty-three English 
prisoneiB had been thruBt into a barrack cell, and 
perished most miserably of heat and suffocation. 

§ 11. The tragedy waaappaliing, but the causes were Thre»u of 
intelligible. About the beginning of the eighteenth ^^J^ 
century, a Nawab of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, terri- 
tories considerably larger than the United Kingdom, 
had removed his capital from Dacca to Alurshedabad, 
about a hundred miles due north of Calcutta. Here 
he founded a dynasty, which reigned in peace for 
some forty years. About 1742 a usurper seized the 
throne of Murshedabad, and reigned as Nawab. 
He died of extreme old age in April, 1756, and 
was succeeded by a grandson, a young man timid 
and suspiciouB, surrounded by foes eager to take 
his life and throne. The new Nawab heard that 
Governor Drake was sheltering one of his enemies at 
Calcutta, and strengthening the fortifications; and he 
orxlered the British to surrender the refugee and stop 
farther defences. Governor Drake replied that he 
knew nothing of any enemies of the Nawab ; that he 
was ready to obey the Nawab in all things ; and that 
he was repairing the defences on the river to prevent 
being surprised by the French, as Madras had been 
surprised ten years before. The Nawab was in a 
fury at this message, and set off for Calcutta in 
the heats of June with an army of fifty thousand 

For half a century the British had paid little or no DofBnoea 
attention to their defences. Fort William had been cwcntt*. 
deemed a sufficient protection on the side of the 
river, and on the land side the native inhabitants 


India under British Rulb. 

had begun to dig a ditch as a defence againat the 
Mahratta horsemen ; bat the Mahrattas were paid 
chout to go away, and the ditch waa never finished. 
The Europeans dwelt in houses and gardens along 
the bank of the river Hughly, on either side of Fort 
William ; and an English Church, the Mayor's Court 
and some other buildings, covered Fort William on 
the land aide. The native quarter, including a large 
bazaar, adjoined the Mahratta ditch, and avenues of 
trees led from the native quarter to Fort William 
and the European buildings. 

Had Governor Drake or any member of his Coun- 
cil possessed a spark of military genius, they might 
have held Fort William against the Nawab in spite 
of his superior , numbers. There was a garrison of 
two hundred European soldiers in the Fort, The 
European residents should have abandoned their 
houses on the river, and repaired to the Fort with 
their wives and children. The neighbouring build- 
ings should have been demohshed to prevent the 
Nawab's troops from approaching under cover. The 
enemy should have been harassed with shells all day 
and sallies all night, until the Nawab raised the siege. 
Moreover, the beginning of the south-west monsoon 
wfis daily expected. With it would come the ships 
of the season from Europe. Could the besieged have 
held out for ten days, they might have been rescued 
by the ships, just as Chamock and the factors 
were carried away from Hughly some seventy years 

Weak jirc- Whilst the Nawab's army was approaching Calcutta, 

^*" ""■ the native population were flying en masse to the 

neighbouring villages. There was also a large 

population of Portuguese half-castes, which should 


Factobtbs, Fortresses, Towns. 37 

have been left to do the same, as they would have chap. i. 
been in no manner of danger. Unfortunately, two 
thousand of these black women and children were 
admitted into the Fort, and the overcrowding and 
confusion were fatal. Meanwhile, batteries and 
breastworks were constructed in the avenues leading 
to the Fort, in the wild hope of protecting the 
whole European quarter ; but they were too far away 
to be supported by reinforcements from the European 

At noon on Wednesday, the 16th of June, the siege of 
Nawab's army poured into the settlement through the winum. 
unfinished portion of the Mahratta ditch. They set 
fire to the native bazaar, and, after meeting obstinate 
resistance, they captured the batteries and breastworks 
in the avenues. The European gunners spiked their 
cannon and fell back upon the Fort ; but the Nawab's 
artillerymen drilled the cannon and turned them 
round towards the Fort ; whUat bodies of the Nawab's 
matchlockmen occupied the buildiugs outside the 
Fort which ought to have been demolished, and 
opened fire upon the ramparts and bastions. 

The fighting lasted all Thursday and Friday. On Escape of 
Friday night the English ladies and children were and 
placed on board the single ship which lay before the ^*"* 
Fort On Saturday the firing was hotter than ever. 
Hopeless eflforts were made to place the Portuguese 
women and children on board the ship, but they 
would have been safer in the neighbouring villages, 
for the overcrowding was such that many boats were 
sunk and numbers were drowned. Governor Drake, 
however, got on board, and the ship moved slowly 
down the river, leaving the British soldiers and 
others to their fate. 


S8 India UKDEa British Eule. 

CHAP. I. Throughout Saturday night the garrison fired 
Lobs of rockets for recalling the ship. At sunriae they 
waii»m. waved flags, but without eflfect. A Mr. Holwell, a 
member of Council, was elected Governor in the room 
of Drake. But resistance was useless. The British 
soldiers broke into the arrack-room and got hope- 
lessly intoxicated. Late in the afternoon a mob of 
the Nawab'a troops advanced to the Fort with ladders. 
In a few moments they were swarming over the walla, 
whilst the drunken European soldiers ran to the back 
of the Fort and broke down the gatea leading to 
the river. But the Fort was closely environed by the 
Nawab'a troops, and whilst some of the fugitives 
may have escaped to the boats or been drowned in 
the river, the bulk were brought back into the Fort 
as prisoners of war. 
Blwk By this time the Nawab had taken possession of 
tragedy. Fort William, but was terribly disappointed at 
finding very little money and only a poor stock of 
merchandise. The season ships to Europe had car- 
ried off all the Indian exports to escape the south- 
west monsoon, and the ships from England were 
waiting for the monsoon to carry their European 
cargoes up the river. There were 146 prisoners, 
and no place of security except the barrack cell, 
known aa the Black Hole, which rarely held more 
than two or three prisoners, and was only eighteen 
feet square. In this horrid hole they were driven 
with clubs and swords, and next morning only 
twenty three were taken out alive. 

Such was the close of the first act of the East 
India Company's rule. Within a very brief apace 
of time the British traders entered upon a new era 
of conquest and dominion ; but the tragedy at 


Factobies, Foktresses, Towns. 39 

Calcutta in June, 1756, has never been forgotten, chap. 1. 
and to this day there is not an English man or End of the 
woman in India who does not occasionally call up peri^. 
a painful memory of the Black Hole.' 

' Since the foregoing chapter was m type, Professor Terriea 
de Laconperie has kiodly pointed ont that a division l>etween 
right and left hands has existed from a remote period in Central 
and Eastern Asia. Among the Turkish Hinng-nu on the north- 
west of China, the officers were arranged into two divisions, a 
left- and a right-hand side, both before and after the Christian 
era. The finrut-Kirghiz are still divided into two wings, viz., on 
of the right and ed of the left. 

In China the task of keeping a daily chronicle of " words " and 
"faets" was entrusted to two officers, one on the left-hand of 
the emperor and the other on his right. The officer on the left 
recorded all speeches and addreeses, whilst that on the right 
recorded all facts and events. This last division, however, is a 
mere title in Chinese administration ; the left-hand being more 
hononrable than the right, and taking the precedence. 

The distinction between the right and left bands in Southern 
India, is, as already seen, a caste antagonism, and it is impos- 
sible to say whether it has or has not any connection, however 
remote, with that in Central Asia or China. The Dravidian 
populations of Southern India certainly immigrated from the 
region beyond the Himalayas in some unknown period, but all 
historical links are wanting save the evidence of language. Pro- 
fessor Terrien de Lacouperie, in his lectures on " Indo-Chinese 
Philology," has pointed out that the Dravidian group forms the 
fourth division of the Eueonlnnic branch of Turanian languages. 





SI. From Calcutta to Pli^, 1757 -E8. %2. Nawab Rnle tmder Brituh 
Protection. 3 S. British Airognnce : Massacre at Patna. § i. Lord 
Clive'i Double Goyeniment. 1766-97. § 6. Wttrrsn HoatJoga, 1772-B6 i 
Life and Career, j 6. British Rule ; Treatment of Bengal Zemindan. 
S 7. British Collectors and Magistrates : Circuit Conrta and Sndder. 
8 8. Innovations of Parliament. % 9. CoUisioua in Calcutta Council : 
Trial and Ezccntion of Nundcomar. 3 10. Clashing of Supreme Coart 
andSudder. S 11. MahratU War : Goddard and Popham. §12. Triple 
Alliance against the British : the Mahrattas, t}ia Hixam, and Hy der AIL 
§13. Farliameutarj laterference : the Tvo India Bills, g 11. Charges 
against Warren Hastings, £16. Lord Comwallia, 17BS>93 : Perpetual 
Settlement and Judicial Reforms. 8 10. Sit John Shore, 17S3-98 1 Non- 

cHAP^ii. In June, 1756, Calcutta was lost; the news reached 
Madras Madras in August. War with France was trembling 
in the balance. An army of Europeans and sepoys, 
under Colonel Ciive, was waiting to attack the French 
in the Deccan. A Royal fleet, under Admiral Watson, 
was waiting to bombard the French at Pondicherry. 
But the news from Calcutta outweighed all other 
considerations ; and Clive and Watson were dispatched 
to the river Hughly with 900 Europeans and 1,500 

Calcutta § 1. The force appears small in modem eyes, but it 

"**^'" was irresistible against Asiatics. The ships of war, with 

their tiers of cannon, were sufficient to create a panic. 


Bengal Provinces. 41 

The expedition reached Calcutta on the 1st of January, ohap. n. 
1757. The Mogul commandant at Fort William fled 
away in terror, and next morning the British flag was 
hoisted over the factory. The Company's merchandise, 
which had been reserved for the Nawab, was lying 
untouched, but every house in tlie town, Asiatic as well 
as European, had been plundered by the Mogul 

At this moment, news arrived that war with France Nawab 
had begun. Clive and Watson were anxious to make terms, 
peace with the Nawab in order to fight the Freneh. 
The Nawab, on hia part, was frightened at the British 
fleet, and was ready to promise anything if the ships 
and cannon would only go away. He agreed to 
reinstate the British in all their factories and privileges, 
and to pay full compensation for all the plunder that 
had been carried away from Calcutta, so that nothing 
further was wanted but the execution of these terms. 

The Nawab, however, never seems to have intended Trewiirry 
to fulfil his promises. He vacillated, procrastinated, intnguo. 
and lied egregiously. He signed a treaty, but evaded 
every application for the money. He worried Clive 
and Watson with fresh promises and excuses until 
they were wild with the delay. At last they discovered 
that he was intriguing with the French for their de- 
struction. But the Nawab himself was environed with 
dangers of aU kinds. His own grandees were plotting 
against him, and opened up a secret correspondence 
with Clive. Englishmen, Mohammedans, and Hindus 
became entangled in a web of conspiracy and craft, 
from which it was difficult to escape with an unsullied 
reputation. Eventually, the Nawab sent an army to 
Plassy, on the route to Calcutta, as if to overawe the 
British settlement. The army was commanded by 


42 India under British Rule. 

CHAP. II. Mir Jafir, the head of the conspiracy for dethroning 
the Nawab. Shortly afterwards, the Nawab himself 
followed Mir Jafir to Plassy, and the whole force was 
estimated at 50,000 men and forty pieces of cannon. 
Buttle of Clive advanced from Calcutta to Plassy with 3^000 
j™J,' men and nine pieces of cannon. The battle of Plassy 
"^^- was fought on the 23rd of June, 1757, just a year 
and three days after the Black Hole tragedy. It was 
more of a British cannonade than an action between 
two armies. Clive was expecting to be joined every 
moment by Mir Jafir. The Asiatic plotter had sworn 
to be faithful to both parties, and was mortally afraid 
of both the Nawab and the British. He dared not 
desert the Nawab, and he dared not fight the British. 
For hours be did nothing. At last, towards the 
close of the day, he moved his forces from the field, 
and made off towards Murshedabad. Clive advanced 
to charge the Nawab'a camp, but the Nawab saw that 
he was deserted and betrayed, and fled in abject terror. 
The days of the fugitive were numbered. He hid 
himself for a while with a favourite wife and his 
choicest jewels, but was then taken prisoner and 
brutally murdered by a son of Mir Jafir. Such was 
the end of the once notorious Suraj-ad-daula, better 
known to British soldiers and sailors as " Sir Roger 
Over- Colonel Clive marched on to Murshedabad, and 
n^^^ installed Mir Jafir on the throne as Nawab of 
Bengal, Behar, and Orissa. Clive, and Clive alone, 
was the lord paramount of the hour, the hero of 
Plassy, the invincible warrior. The money and 
jewels in the treasury at Murshedabad were lavished 
by Mir Jafir on Colonel Clive and his party. The 
British officers of the army and fleet received large 


Bengal Provikces. 43 

donations One million sterling was given to the chap. h. 
East India Company, another million sterling to the 
inhabitants of Calcutta — European and Asiatic. A 
hundred boats loaded with silver went down the 
river from Murshedabad to Calcutta, followed by 
the curses of the grandees ; whilst the sight of the 
boats approaching Calcutta was hailed with the joy 
of men who had escaped shipwreck. ■ " For once," 
says a contemporary, " and only for once, the people 
of Calcutta were all friends." 

1 2. The battle of Plassy was a British triumph, Xembio 
but it entailed enormous responsibilities. Colonel Clive ^^ea. 
had raised up a Nawab to be absolute ruler of territories 
larger than Great Britain and Ireland, and far more 
populous. Bengal, including the delta of the Ganges, 
was one of the most fertile regions in the world, whilst 
the inhabitants were most submissive and easily 
governed. For centuries the Bengalis had been op- 
pressed by foreigners — Turk, Afghan, Abyssinian and 
Mogul. The revenues, however, had been collected by 
Hindu officials, as being at once more exacting in 
their demands, and more easily stripped of their 
ill-gotten gains. 

Nawab Mir Jafir was most subservient to the Wretched 
British and most anxious to please them, but was Mir Jafir 
otherwise as dissolute and worthless as any Turkish 
pa^ha. In his younger days, when the Mahrattas 
were harrying Bengal, Mir Jafir might have been a 
good soldier, but since then he had degenerated into 
a worn-out voluptuary, spending all the money he 
could get on jewels and dancing-girls, whilst his own 
troops were in mutiny for want of pay, and hia 
British supporters and protectors were demanding 


44 India, under British Kule. 

CHAP. ir. further supplies for the payment of their own forces. 
To make matters worse, the Nawab was removing 
the old Hindu officials and placing his Mohammedan 
kinsmen in their room. 
Delhi Suddenly, a new vista opened out to Clive through 
'flight' the territory of Oudh, on the north-west, to the 
^^ remote capital of the Great Mogul at Delhi. The 
Imperial. Great Mogul was a mere pageant in the hands of 
the Vizier, who exercised what remained of the im- 
perial authority. The Prince Imperial, the son and 
heir of the Great Mogul, was afraid of being mur- 
dered by the Vizier, and fled away into Oudh, and 
threw himself on the protection of the Nawab. 
invMion The Nawab of Oudh had long desired to get 
Hawftbof possession of the Bengal provinces, and thought to 
secure them by making the Prince Imperial a cat's 
paw. He proclaimed that the Prince Imperial had 
been invested by his father with the government of 
Bengal, Behar, and Orissa. He then sent the Prince 
forward with a large force to enforce the proclama- 
tion, whilst he himself remained behind in Oudh and 
awaited events.' To make matters worse, the Hindu 
officials in the Bengal provinces, who had been dis- 
possessed, or were expecting to be dispossessed, were 
preparing to join the invaders. 

' The three provinces of Bengal, Beher, and Orissa are known 
to BaropeaoH by the one name of Bengal. Bengal proper includes 
the delta of tlio Oanges and Brahmaputra. Behar ia the frontier 
province towards Ouilh, having its capital at Fatna. Orissa lies 
to the south of Behar and Bengal proper, but Cnttack and the hilly 
country to the south and we^t had been ceded to the Mnhrattas. 
The Orissa of the period comprises little more than Midnapore; 
hut the high-sounding title was etill retained of Nawnb of 
Bengal, Behar and Orissa. After the Mahratta wars of 1803, 
the British took possession of Cuttack and remaining portions 
of Orissa, in order to bold the Rea-bofird against in' 


Bengal Provinces. 45 

Mir Jafir was ia a panic of fear at the appearance chap. h. 
of the Prince Imperial, and piopoBed to pay him a ciivo'a 

J. ™, ^ ^ ^ J difficulty. 

sum of money to go away. Chve would not hsten 
to the suggestion. He ignored the Prince Imperial 
and the Greitt Mogul, and soon routed the invading 
army. The Prince Imperial then became a suppliant 
to the British, and implored Clive for help ; but Clive 
had been requested by the Vizier at Delhi to arrest 
the fugitive, and would not commit himself. He, 
however, sent a bag of 500 mohurs, about 8002. 
BterliDg> to relieve the immediate necessities of the 
Prince Imperial, and the money was gladly received 
by the impoverished fugitive. 

Meanwhile, Clive was at his wits' end for money. Wanted, 
The Bengal provinces could be held against any 'amy, 
enemy in India by a standing army of Europeans 
and sepoys. Such an army could be maintained for 
half a miUion sterling per annum, and the public 
revenue amounted to three or four millions ; but the 
Nawab refused to disband his own rabble soldiery, 
and pretended that he could not pay the Europeans. 

At this crisis Clive received a secret and startling Solution, 
proposal from the Vizier at Delhi, that he should accept 
the post of Dewan to the Great Mogul for Bengal, 
Behar, and Orissa. In the palmy days of the Mogul em- 
pire, every province was governed by two ofl&cials, the 
Nawab and the Dewan. The Nawab kept the peace 
and administered justice ; the Dewan kept the public 
purse, received the revenues, paid all salaries, and 
sent the surplus as tribute to the Great Mogul. The 
later Nawabs had become their own Dewans, and 
spent the revenue as they pleased, without sending 
any tribute to the Great Mogul. Had Clive closed 
with the offer, it would have involved a mortal struggle 


46 India under British Role. 

CHAP. II. with Mir Jafir, for it would have deprived the Nawab 
of all power over the public purse. But it would 
have removed every financial difficulty, aa the Vizier 
would have been satisfied with a yearly tribute of 
half a million sterling, or even less, whilst Clive 
would have had the whole remaining surplus at his 
own disposal. 
Olive's Clive would not accept the post of Dewan, either 

Pitt, 17S9. for himself or for the East India Company. But he 
wrote privately to the British premier, the first 
William Pitt, and proposed that the British Crown 
should act as Dewan to the Great Mogul. Under 
such an arrangement, the Crown might have taken 
over the Bengal revenues, sent half, or a quarter of a 
million a year to Delhi, spent another half million on 
a standing army, and devoted another half million to 
the salaries of the Nawab and his officials ; and then 
might have secured a surplus of two millions a year 
towards the payment of the national debt, William 
Pitt, however, was already alarmed at the growing 
power of the Crown, and he declined taking over the 
proposed income lest it should endanger the liberties 
of the British natiou. 

T^ojis In 1760 Colonel Clive returned to England, and 
north- in 1761 the war with France was over. India might 
now have been at peace, but the north-west was in 
a turmoil. The Great Mogul was murdered by his 
Vizier. The Afghans had slaughtered 200,000 
Mahrattas on the fatal field of Paniput, and estab- 
hahed their ascendency at Delhi. The fugitive Prince 
Imperial was proclaimed Padishah, or Emperor, by 
the Nawab of Oudh, who assumed the title of Nawab 
Vizier; and the Padishah and his Nawab Vizier 
invaded Behar and threatened Patna. 


Bengal Provinces. 47 

§ 3. The British at Calcutta were now in aore chap, ii 
peril, and there was no Clive to guide them. They change of 

up his son-in-law, Mir Kasim, as Nawab of J 
Behar, and Orissa. The new Nawab was unques- 
tionably a better man than the deposed Mir Jafir ; 
but the transfer of a throne by a Governor and 
Council of British merchants was somewhat startling. 
There waa, however, no one to resist the Calcutta 
traders, and Mir Jafir yielded to his kiamet, retired 
from hia post as Nawab, and removed to Calcutta, as 
a safer residence than Murshedabad. 

Mir Kasim agreed to all the British demands. He Uuteiy 
was bound over to pay half a million sterling for the MKah. 
maintenance of the British army ; but he averted 
money disputes with the Company's servants by 
ceding three districts in the immediate neighbour- 
hood of Calcutta, which yielded the same amount of 
revenue, and the British could collect the money for 
themselves. Above all, the new Nawab agreed, as 
Mir Jafir had done before him, to free the Company's 
servants from the payment of all inland transit duties 
within the Bengal provinces. 

Mir Kasim, accompanied by a British force, took DeaUnra 
the field against the young Padishah and the Nawab p^^^ 
Vizier. The invaders were soon defeated ; the Nawab 
Vizier fled back to Oudh, but the young Padishah 
remained at Patna. Accordingly, the British deter- 
mined to get his sanction to their proceedings, and 
thus to justify their appointment of a new Nawab in 
the eyes of the people of India and the European 
nations trading with Bengal He was without territory 
or revenue. His throne and capital at Delhi were in 
the handa of the Afghans. Yet he had been proclaimed 


48 India under British Rule. 

cEA?^iL Padishah in India, and was legally the Great Mogul. 
Accordingly, the British determined to recognize his 
sovereignty, and arrange for the appointment of Mir 
Kasim as Nawab of Bengal, Behar and Orisaa, under 
hia imperial seal and commission. 
BritUh It was somewhat audacious for a handful of British 
"orSt' traders to set up a Great Mogul for themselves as lord 
^"S^ paramount of India. It was still more audacious to 
carry out the ceremony of iiiatallation in a building 
sacred to sUk and saltpetre. Nevertheless, the work 
was done. The Company's factory at Patna was con- 
verted into a Mogul palace ; the centre room into a 
hall of audience ; the dining-tablea into an imperial 
throne. The Padishah was carried in procession to 
the factory, and enthroned on the dining-tables as 
the Great Mogul Mir Kasim paid homage to 
the sovereign, and was invested with the post of 
Nawab of the Bengal provinces. In return, the 
Nawab was bound over to pay a yearly tribute 
to the Great Mogul of a quarter of a million 
EnthroDB- The installation of the Great Mogul, and the formal 
'p^L^ appointment of the Nawab of Bengal, were established 
facts, but no party was satisfied. The Padishah was 
disgusted, because the British would not conduct him 
to Delhi and place him on the throne of Aurangzeb. 
The Nawab was disgusted at paying a heavy tribute 
when the Padishah might have been forced by a 
little pressure to sell the appointment for a bag of 
rupees. He was apparently bent on breaking off all 
relations with the British, and there was no objection 
to his doing so. He moved his court from Mursheda- 
bad, which was only a hundred miles from Calcutta, 
to Monghyr, which was more than three hundred 


Bekoal Provinces. *» 

miles. Here he formed an army of picked men, and ca^ii. 
employed a European deserter, known aa Sombre or 
Sumru, to drill the troops in British fashion, and 
b^an to manufacture muskets and cast guns. 

The quarrel began about the right of the British Noom 
servants of the Company, under the treaty with 
Mir Kasim, to carry their commodities through the 
Bengal provinces free from the payment of all transit 
duties. The British at Calcutta twisted the privilege 
of non-payment into a right to carry such native com- 
modities as salt, tobacco, opium, betel, sugar, and oil, 
without payment; whilst all Bengali dealers were 
compelled to pay a duty at every station. The 
British were thus able to undersell native dealers, 
and monopolise the whole trade of the country. The 
Nawab protested against this interpretation, and in- 
sisted on collecting the duties, unless the goods were 
bought for exportation by sea. Then ensued quarrels, 
misunderstandings, frays and reprisals; the Nawab 
complaining of the loss of duties, whUst the British 
set him at de6ance, and resisted all attempts to collect 
the duties by force of arms. 

Mir Kasim cut away the British monopoly by "^J^'i^ 
abolishing all inland transit duties. The Bengali Konm. 
dealers were thus placed on the same footing as the 
Company's servants. The Company's servants were 
blind with wrath, at this measure, lliey insisted that 
they enjoyed a certain privilege \mder the treaty 
with Mir Kasim, and that this privilege was rendered 
valueless by the general abolition of duties. Accord- 
ingly, they proposed sending two of their number to 
Monghyr to argue the matter with the Nawab. 

The city of Monghyr is situated on the river g^ij!^. 
, Ganges, liiree hundred miles above Calcutta and a **""■■ 



hundred miles below Patna. Tlie two British envoys 
were received and entertained by the Nawab, but 
told there was nothing to settle ; he had ceased to 
collect duties from his own subjects and the British 
had nothing to do with the matter. At this very 
moment a boat arrived at Monghyr on its way to 
Patna with a cargo of firelocks from Calcutta for the 
garrison at the British factory. The Nawab at once 
suspected that the British were preparing for war. 
He confiscated the firelocks, and kept one of the 
envoys as a hostage, but permitted the other to 
return to Calcutta. The latter man was doomed. 
On his way down the river he was fired upon by the 
troops of the Nawab, and brutally murdered. 

When the news of this catastrophe reached C/al- 
cutta, the Company's servants seem to have lost their 
heads. In vain they were told that the British at 
Patna, and those at another factory, were at the 
mercy of the Nawab. They swore that they would 
be avenged although every Briton up country was 
slaughtered ; and they wrote out a declaration to 
that effect, and each man signed it. The Governor 
and Council of Calcutta then went in a body to the 
house of Mir Jafir, and restored him to his post as 
Nawab of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, on the condition 
that he once again levied the duties from Bengali 
traders. Mir Jafir readily promised, and indeed 
would have promised anything to recover his lost 

Meanwhile, the British at Patna were in extreme 
danger. They had a European garrison at the fac- 
tory, but the factory was untenable. They made a 
desperate efibrtto seize the, town of Patna, and for a 
few hours were successful. The Mogul commandant ^ 


Bengal Phovinces. 51 

was taken by surprise and fled with most of his chap, h 
troops; but the Mogul fortresa still held out. The 
British ought to have stormed the fortress, but 
delayed on account of the heat. The result was fatal. 
The European soldiers went to the bazaar for drink, 
whilst the sepoya plundered the shops and houses, 
and within a very short time the whole force was 
Utterly demoralised. 

Suddenly, the Mogul commandant met with re- 
inforcements, and returned and recovered the town. 
The British fled back to the factory, but saw that 
they were being environed by the Nawab's troops. 
They hurriedly embarked in boats, in the hope of 
escaping up the stream into Oudh, but the enemy 
closed around them. Had they resisted to the last, 
some might have escaped. As it was they surrendered 
as prisoners, and were taken to Monghyr, where they 
found that the British inmates of another factory 
had been arrested and imprisoned in like manner. 

An avenging army was soon on its way from 
Calcutta. Murahedabad was captured, but not with- 
out a stout resistance, for the drilled troops of the ''17S3'"' 
Nawab were vastly superior to the rabble hosts that 
had fought at Calcutta and Plaasy. The British 
force, however, overcame every obstacle, and pushed 
on to Monghyr, whilst the Nawab fled to Patua, 
canying his prisoners with him to the number of a 
hundred and fifty souls. At Patna the Nawab heard 
that Monghyr was taken by the British, and resolved 
on exacting a terrible revenge. His prisoners were 
shut up in a Iwge square building with a courtyard 
in the centre. He ordered Sombre to slaughter the 
whole, and the miscreant environed the buUding with 
sepoya. The British assembled in the courtyard, bent 


52 India under BaiTiau Rule. 

CHAP. n. on fighting for their lives. The sepoys climbed to the 
roof, but were assailed with a storm of brickbats and 
bottles from the courtyard. Sombre ordered them to 
fire on the prisoners, but they hung back, declaring 
that they were sepoys and not executioners, and 
would not fire on men without arms in their handa 
Then Sombre grew furious and violent ; struck down 
the nearest sepoys with his own hands, and threat- 
ened and bullied the rest into obedience. The sepoys 
yielded to their European master. Successive volleys 
were fired into the courtyard, until it was strewed 
with dead bodies. Not a single prisoner escaped 
that horrible slaughter. 
MirKasim The massacFC at Patna sealed the doom of the 
Nawab Nawab. He fled away into Oudh with his family 
Vmer. ^^^^ treasurcs, but the avenging Furies were at his 
heels. The Nawab Vizier received him with ostenta- 
tious hospitality, but only that he might strip him of 
his treasures. The Nawab Vizier declared war 
against the British for the restoration of Mir Kasim, 
but it was only that he might eventually get the 
Bengal provinces into his own hands. 
Battle of The war lasted many months, but was brought to 
^5JJ.'' a close in 1764 by the battle of Busar. The victory 
gained by Sir Hector Monro at Buxar on the Behar 
frontier was as decisive as that of Plassy. The 
Nawab Vizier fled away in terror to the Rohilla 
Afghans beyond his nort-h-west frontier, leaving his 
dominions at the absolute disposal of the British ; 
and Sir Hector Monro marched on to the capital at 
Lucknow and took possession of the whole of Oudh. 
Brituh The triumph of the British was complete. Mir 
^ Kasim lost his treasures aad died in obscurity. 
The Nawab Vizier was a helpless fugitive ; neither 


Bengal Provinces. 53 

Rohillas, nor Mahrattaa, nor any other power could obaf. n. 
help him against the British. The Great Mogul wae 
once more a suppliant in their hands. The British 
were de facto masters of the bulk of the old Mogul 
empire, and might have taken possession of the whole 
of Northern India in the name of the Great Mogul 
As it was they proposed making over Oudh to the 
Afghans, and restoring the Great Mogul to the throne 
of hie fathers at Delhi. Before, however, the Gover- 
nor and Council at Calcutta could change the map of 
India, the Court of Directors upset their plans by 
sending out Clive for the last time with the authority 
of a dictator. 

§ 4. The Directors of the East India Company ^r*^'" 
had been alternately infuriated and terrified at 176e. ' 
the news from Bengal. They were extremely angry 
at the quarrel about the private trade, especially 
as they had not shared in the profits ; hut the 
massacre at Patna filled them with grief and despair. 
Accordingly Clive, who had been raised to the 
peerage, was sent to Bengal as Governor, with full 
power to act as he thought proper. 

When Lord Clive landed at Calcutta Mir Jafir was f 
dead, and the existing Governor and Council had 
sold the throne of the three provinces to an illegiti- 
mate son for 200,000/. and divided the money 
amongst themselves. Lord Clive was extremely 
wroth, but could do nothing. The offenders retired 
from the service of the Company and returned to 
England. Meanwhile Lord Chve stopped the expe- 
dition to Delhi, restored Oudh to the Nawab Vizier, 
and secured a handsome sum out of the transaction 
for the benefit of the East Indian Company. 


54 India under Beitish Eule. 

CHAP. II. But the crowning event in Lord Olive's life was the 
Company acceptance of the post of Dewan to the Great Mogul 
Bengal, in the name of the East India Company. Hence- 
and ' forth, the Governor and Council at Calcutta took over 
°^^ the revenues of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa from the 
Nawab'a revenue officers, and provided for the mili- 
tary defence of the three provinces. A quarter of a 
million sterling was paid to the Great Mogul, and 
half a milli on to the Nawab at Murshedabad for the 
salaries of himself and his officials ; but all inter- 
ference on the part of the British with the adminis- 
tration of the Nawab and his ministers and servants 
was strictly forbidden, as contrary to the policy of 
non-intervention. Accordingly, the Nawab and his 
officials were left to govern the country in their own 
fashion, without a revenue and without an army. 
Sorrows The Great Mogul, however, was not content. He 
Grtot would not live in the Bengal provinces ; be wanted 
MogaL ^Q gQ ^^^ Delhi, and he was sulky because the British 
would not take him there. He set up his little court 
at Allahabad, half-way between Calcutta and Delhi, 
and lived like a prince ; but he was unhappy. A 
British brigade was posted hard by, and the officer in 
command would not allow him to support his im- 
perial dignity by beating the imperial kettle-drums, 
because of the noise. 
Aptnyof The arrangements as regards the Bengal pro- 
176^72. vinces, known in India as the acquisition of the 
Dewanny, were carried out in 1765. In 1767 Lord 
Clive returned to England, and the Bengal pro- 
vinces were reduced to greater misery than ever. 
There was no one to control the native officials, and 
they accumulated riches at the expense of the 
masses. The wealth which the old Nawabs bad 


Bbngal Provinces. 55 

lavished on their pleasures was at least spent chap. h. 
within the three provincea; whereas it was now 
sent to China to buy tea and silk for the East India 
Company, or was remitted to England as the private 
fortunes of the Company's servants. Bengal was 
drained of its silver, and the masses loudly com- 
plained that the British ought to protect them 
against their oppressors. But non-intervention was 
the cry both in Bengal and in the British Isles, and 
nothing was done. 

Meanwhile the revenue had rapidly declined. British 
Before Lord Clive left Bengal he was compelled to viaon. 
do something in spite of his policy of non-interven- 
tion. He sent a British civil servant to every district 
in the Bengal provinces, under the name of Super- 
visor. The supervisors were to watch and report 
what was going on, but not to interfere with the 
Bengali officials.^ They were to collect statistics 
respecting the land, its produce and capacity ; the 
authorised amount of land revenue and the illegal 
exactions; the administration of justice and the regu- 
lation of trade. The British supervisors could only 
report what they saw, and what the native officials 
chose to tell them. One thing was certain : the 
people were terribly oppressed and the administration 
was in utter confusion ; and so long as the British 
played at non-intervention it was impossible to apply 
a remedy. 

At last the dreadful famine of 1770-71 desolated Famine, 
and depopulated the wholft country. Terrible reports 

' In the present day there are forty-five districts In the 
Bengal provinces, namely, thirty-seven regulation and eight non- 
ref^Ution, The distinction between the two classes of diatricts 
will be explained hereafter, 


56 India under Beitish Rule. 

CHAP. II. reached England that the Company's servants had 
leagued with the native officials to buy up all the 
grain and sell it at famine prices. Meanwhile the 
revenue had rapidly declined, and the blame was 
thrown on the Bengali officials. Accordingly the 
Court of Directors resolved to dismiss the Asiatic 
officials, and to appoint covenanted British servants 
in their room ; and they selected Warren Hastings to 
be Governor of Bengal, with peremptory orders to 
carry out the necessary reforms. 

Bwtricted § 5. The change from Lord Clive to "Warren Hast- 
'ofLOTS' inga was most momentous. Lord Clive was a soldier 
'^'*" born to command. Warren Hastings was emphati- 
cally an administrator bom to rule. From the first 
Lord Clive had shirked all political responsibility. 
He was content to place the East India Company in 
the position of Bewan, with the additional duty of 
maintaining a standing army for the defence of the 
country, but without attempting to invest it with the 
ruling powers of a Nawab. So long as the Company 
took over the revenue, the Nawab and his officials 
were left to govern the people, and administer law and 
justice, according to their own will and pleasure For 
himself. Lord Clive was content to rule the Com- 
pany's settlement and some small cessions of territory 
of no account, and to leave the outside masses in 
utter darkness. 
Vftrtdonii- Warren Haatings went to Calcutta as absolute 
Hsatings. rulcr over the three provinces. He was a pnnce 
amongst princes ; the equal if not the superior of 
any Hindu or Mohammedan ruler within the Hima- 
layas and the two seas. As President of the Council 
his authority was not confined by the Mahratta ditch, 


Bengal Provinces. 57 

but stretched far away over territories as large, if not otap. u. 
latter, than Great Britain and Ireland. He united 
the powers of British Governor, Nawab, and Great, 
Mogul He was destined to strip the Nawab of 
every vestige of authority; to cut down his yearly 
income from half a million sterling to 160,000?., and 
to reduce him to the condition of a private Moham- 
medan grandee dwelUng at Murshedabad. As for the 
Great Mogul, he had vanished from the scene. In 
1771 he had quitted Oudh and returned to Delhi 
with the Mahrattas, and thereby forfeited his pension 
and empty suzerainty as far aa the British were con- 
cerned. Later on, the Mahrattas demanded payment 
of the yearly tribute, but were flatly refused by 
Warren Hastings. 

In 1772 Warren Hastings was forty years of age, Career of 
with very large experiences. He had landed at Calcutta a^ 1772. 
at the age of eighteen, and served aa a clerk and ware- 
houseman in the factory at Calcutta. In 1757, after 
the battle of Plassy, he was Resident at the court 
of Nawab Mir Jafir at Murshedabad. Later on, 
during the quarrel with Mir Kasim, he was a member 
of the Council at Calcutta, and one of the very few 
who took the part of the Nawab. In 1764 he went 
to England and became poor. In 1769 he returned 
to India and was appointed member of the Council at 
Madras. In 1772 he proceeded to Calcutta to become 
Governor of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, in other words 
— to govern territories covering an area of 150,000 
square miles, or one-tenth of the great continent of 
India. Henceforth his dominion extended from the 
mouths of the Ganges to the foot of the Himalayas, 
and from the frontier at Oudh to the frontiers at 
Assam and Bhutan. 


58 India under British Rule. 

CHAP. iL Warren Hastings must be regarded in two diflferent 
Two aspects. In 1766, whilst residing in England, his 

^'^ portrait was painted by Sir Joshua Keynolds, and 
represents a mild, benevolent, and intelligent English 
gentleman. Twenty years afterwards another por- 
trait was painted, which represents a stubborn and 
vindictive official, from whom all traces of the mild 
gentleman had disappeared.^ 

British § 6. The first task of Warren Hastings was to intro- 
in Beagii duce British administration into the Bengal provinces, 
provmcas. rpj^^ work had becD easy enough when dealing with 
the population of towns, who were dependent on the 
East India Company for employment and protection. 
But dealing with provinces having a popdation of 
twenty or thirty millions of Hindus and Moham- 
medans, who knew very little of the British, and 
very little of their laws or ways, was a very different 
matter, and demanded extreme tact and caution. 
Und Warren Hastings began the work of government 

with the reform of the land revenue — the back- 
bone of all administration in India. In those days 
the task was beyond the strength of any Englishman 
or body of Englishmen. During the Mahratta inva- 
sions and sudden changes of Nawabs the collection of 
the revenue had fallen into utter confusion, and it was 
impossible for Europeans to understand local rights 
or wrongs. 
ZeiaiDiiara The bulk of the land revenue in Bengal was col- 
lected by middle men, known as zemindars, from 
tenant farmers known as ryots. The zemindar was 
half a landlord and half a revenue collector. He 

^ The first portrait of Warren HaBtinge was exhibited at the 
Oroevesor Gallery in 1883. The second portrait is etill hanging 
in the Caunoil Chnmber at the India Office at Weatminater. 


Bengal Provinces. 59 

generally possessed some hereditary land which waa chap. u. 
the family demesne ; but outside the demesne were 
the landholders or ryots, from whom he collected the 
rents. The zemindar was not a landlord in the eyes 
of the ryots, because under Mogul law he could not 
raise the rents. StiU he waa a great man within his 
zemindary. He was magistrate, judge, and controller 
of the village police ; and he had armed followers in. 
his pay, who helped the village police in pursuing 
robbers and collecting rents. He had the right of 
hunting, fishing, and cutting wood, throughout his 
zemindary. Moreover, he levied irregular cesses, 
benevolences or aids, from the ryots, to defray 
the expenses of a birth or marriage within his own 
family, or to meet the demands of the Nawab in an 
emergency like a Mahratta invasion. 

The changes in the status of Bengal zemindars Bntuh 
may be gathered from what is known of old Calcutta. '*°^°<'" 
Before the battle of Piassy the East India C3ompany Cal^of*- 
itself was nothing more than a Bengal zemindar, and 
held the settlement at Calcutta on a zemindary 
tenure. The Company was pledged to pay to the 
Nawab a fixed yearly royalty for their little territory. 
A British civil servant was appointed to represent 
the Company as zemindar, to bear the name aud 
fulfil the duties of the post ; and he collected the 
ground-rents within the Company's bounds and paid 
the yearly royalty to the Nawab. He could not raise 
the rents, for that was forbidden by Mogul law, but 
otherwise he was all powerful. He administered 
justice, criminal and civil, like the Jxistices of the 
Choultry at Madras. He also raised an additional 
income by farming out certain trades as monopolies, 
levying octroi duties on provisions, and taking fees 


60 India umder British Rule. 

CHAP. a. for the registration of marriages, and sale of houses, 

boats, and slaves. 
AnctioD After Plassy the British zemindar at Calcutta cared 

sales of TT 1 

csicntu nothing for Mogul law. He raised the rents within the 
Company's bounds by the simple process of putting 
the leases up to auction ; and the eagerness of the 
Bengalis to hold lands and sub-let them to under- 
tenants led to much competition and a large ad- 
vance of rents. The zemindar who carried out this 
innovation was no other than Mr. Holwell, the same 
gentleman who was accepted as Governor of Calcutta 
on the morning of the day that ended in the Black 
Hole disaster. During that terrible night Mr. Hol- 
well seems to have imbibed hatred and contempt for 
Moguls and Nawabs. Whilst Clive was shilly-shally- 
ing with Mir Jafir, Holwell was urging the deposition 
of the Nawab, the annexation of the Bengal provinces, 
and the radical measure of putting up all the zemin- 
daries to public auction.^ This scheme was ignored at 
the time as the dream of a madman ; but neverthe- 
less, within fifteen years, or half a generation, it was 
seriously considered by Warren Hastings. 
Mosul The revenue records of the Moguls had always been 
^^. singularly complete down to the minutest detail. 
The holding of every ryot and the area of every 
zemindary had been measured and remeasured ; the 
average value of the yearly produce of every field had 
been calculated ; and the yearly rents payable by the 
ryots and the yearly revenue payable by the zemin- 
dar had been fixed in each case on the basis of the 
average harvests. All these details had been entered 
at length in the Mogul records. But the revenue 
records which contained all the details respecting the 

' See Qolwell'e Eiatoricai EveiUa in Bengal. 


Bengal Pbovinces. 61- 

land in the Bengal provinces had mysteriously dis- cn^r. n. 
appeared when they were most wanted. A Moham- Myswri- 
medan contemporary says that they were all destroyed pearanw. 
when Mir Kasim fled into Oudh. Possibly they may 
have been thrown into the G-anges and carried out 
to sea. 

Warren Hastings did perhaps the best he could British 
under the circumstances. By the stroke of a pen he *"**"■ 
converted the British supervisors into British col- 
lectors of revenues ; and thus brought the new 
collectors into direct contact with the zemindars, who 
collected yearly rents from the ryots or tenant 
farmers. The next work would have been to re- 
measure all the lands and to make freah estimates 
of the average yearly value of the produce of each 
field. This work had been carried out within the 
Company's zemindary at Calcutta, and many frauds 
and errors had been discovered and corrected. But 
what was possible in an estate, was impossible in a 
territory considerably larger than the British isles. 
Warren Hastings had no means at his disposal for 
re-measuring the lands and revaluing the yearly 
produce, and it was utterly impossible to get at the 
actual iacts as regards rents and revenues. Kot only 
were the records lost, bnt the revenue administration 
was in ntter confusion ; the ministers exacted what 
they could from the zemiudars, and the zemindars 
in their turn oppressed the ryots. Moreover, no re- 
liable information could bo obtained from ryots or 
zemindars, who were alike suspicious of British inten- 
tions and mortally terrified by the British invasion. 
The new British collectors, with the help of native 
officials, arrived at some approximate estimate of the 
rents paid by the ryots in each zemindary, and then 


62 IsDiA TisDEn British Eule. 

CHAP. n. every zemindar in possession was oaUed upon to pay 
a certain lump sum as yearly revenue for the whole 
during a term of five years. If he accepted a leaae 
for the five years, well and good. If he refused, the 
lease was sold to the highest bidder, with no other 
reserve than that of requiring him to give the neces- 
sary security for the yearly payment to the British 

DisMtrons The experiment proved a failure. The revenue 

^ demands had been fixed too high. Such was the 

passion for local influence, that many zemindars had 

agreed to pay a larger revenue than could be realised 

from the rents. Vast amounts were lost as arrears 

Anotion that could not be realised. Many zemiodaries were 

Mmind». sold by auctioD, and were bought up by native 
"*^ speculators who were ruined in their turn. When 
the five years' leases had run out no attempt was 
made to renew them ; but zemindaries were let on 
yearly leases until some permanent system could be 
devised, and this arrangement continued in force 
until the end of Warren Hastings's administration, 

jndidsi § 7. The system of judicial administration intro- 
M^m- duced by Warren Hastings was equally cautious and 
,^^^ experimental. Bengal zemindars ceased to act as 
ooorto. magistrates or judgea The British collector be- 
came magistrate and civil judge.^ As magistrate he 
made over all prisoners for trial to a Mohammedan 
court, which was created in each district, but over 
which he maintained some degree of control. A cazi 

^ The control over the country police was &Ibo ttansferred from 
the zemindars to the new magistrates and collectore. This 
measnre was good in itself, but attended with disadvantages, 
which will be brought under review hereafter, 


Bengal Provinces. G3 

Bat as judge and tried the prisoners, whilst muftis and cBip. n, 
mulvis expounded or interpreted Mohammedan law ; 
but the British collector was present to see that 
trials were properly conducted, and perhaps to inter- 
cede when the punishment awarded was barbarous 
or cruel This was little more than a reform of 
the existing system — such a reform as might have 
been carried out by an Akbar or Aurangzeb. For 
centuries Mohammedan law had been the common 
law of Northern India, and Hindu criminal law, 
with lis hideous severities as regards caste, had been 
ignored by Mogul rulers, although, no doubt, caste 
laws were often enforced by the Hindus themselves. 

Civil justice was administered more directly by MiiedcivU 
the British collectors. In civil disputes, especially as ctJiBctoM, 
regards inheritance and marriage, the parties con- pSSSa. 
cemed were necessarily guided by their own laws. 
Accordingly the collector sat as judge, but was as- 
sisted by Mohammedan lawyers in deciding cases 
between Mohammedans, and by learned Brahmans, or 
pundits, in deciding cases between Hindus. Under 
most circumstances the cazi or pundit must often have 
been the real judge, whilst the British collector was 
only the representative of the supreme authority. 

Courts of circuit and appeal were also appointed to comta of 
travel through different areas, and sit as British "^^ 
judges of assize in both criminal and civil courts. •pp»'- 
Here was that same mixture of British and Asiatic 
judges as in the collectors' courts. But many changes 
were made from time to time in the judicial system, 
and the whole question will be better considered 
hereafter when dealing with the reforms, of Lord 
Comwallifl, who eventually succeeded Warren Hast- 
ings as Governor-General. 


G4 India under Bbitish Rdle. 

CHAP. II. Meanwliile the Governor and Council Btill formed 
Chief the chief court at Calcutta, and confinned all capital 
SuOder. sentences, or heard appeals in important civil caaee, 
as in the old times when British authority was 
bounded by the Mahratta ditch. From time to time 
they passed regulations for the guidance of coUectors, 
and eventually Warren Hastings drew up a clear and 
concise criminal code with his own hands. This 
chief court was known as the Suddcr. It had a 
civil and a criminal side, and lasted as an institu- 
tion down to the latest days of the East India 
Putri- Under such circumstances British ideas of justice 
jDrtice. gradually superseded Mohammedan usages. Indeed 
it was impossible to maintain the criminal law of the 
Mohammedans in courts controlled more or less by 
British judges. Under Mohammedan law theft was 
punished by mutilation, adultery was punished by 
death, or not punished at all unless four eye-witnesses 
could be produced ; whilst the most atrocious murderer 
might escape from justice by the payment of a blood 
fine to the kinsmen of his victim. Cazis and muftis 
might be nominally independent, but practically they 
yielded to British influences ; and British judges 
administered justice in a patriarchal fashion, which 

* The old Sudder Courts at Calcutta, Madias, and Bombay 
finally disappeared in 1862, when thej wwe amalgamated with 
the Supreme Courts, which will he descrihed hereafter, and 
which, up to that date, were exclusively composed of barrister 
judges. In the present day they ai-e forgotten by all but lawyers 
familiar with a past generation, yet the Sudder CourtB played 
their part in the history of the past. In the beginniug of the 
nineteenth century, when the Marquis of Wellesley was Govemor- 
Oeneral, three oivilians were appointed judges in the Sudder, 
one being a member of Council and the Chief Judge in the room 
of the Qovernor-Qeneral. 


Bengal Provinces. 65 

might be condemned by trained lawyers, but was far ciiap. n, 
better suited to the condition of the masses than 
British courts of law in the last century. 

§ 8. Whilst carrying out these reforms Warren Hast- Now 
ings was taken somewhat aback by the appointment of^naoii 
of three English gentlemen, not in the service of the bjrirtet 
Company, to seats in the Calcutta Council. At the J""^8*^ 
same time four barrister judges, equally independent 
of the Company, were sent out from England to 
fonn a Supreme Court of Judicature at Calcutta for 
the administration of English law, civil and criminal. 
The jurisdiction of the Supreme Court was to extend 
to all British subjects, and to all Asiatics who were 
servants of the Company or had dealings with British 
subjects. The Chief Justice was Sir Elijah Impey, 
who was known to Hastings, as the two had been 
schoolfellows together at Westminster. The three 
other barristers were puisne judges. 

The three new members of Council and the four new Begula- 
Supreme Court judges had been appointed, not by ofinL 
the East India Company, but by Parliament and the 
Crown. The public mind in England had been 
greatly stirred by reports of maladministration, 
and in 1773 a "Regulating Act" had been passed to 
bring the administration of merchant rulers under 
some control independent of that of the East India 
Company. No offence was intended to Warren 
Hastings ; on the contrary, he was raised by the 
same "Regulating Act" to the post of Governor- 
General, with a controlling power over Madras and 
Bombay on all questions of war and peace. He 
filled the chair aa President of the Council, but 
besides him there was only Mr. Barwell, who 


66 India under British Rule. 

. ciiAp. II. belonged to tlie Company's service. The three 
remainiDg members were the three strangers and 
outsiders — General Clavering, Colonel Monaon, and 
Mr. Philip Francis, the reputed author of the Letters 
of Junius. 

Warren § 9. From the very first there were jealous suspicions 
andpSlfp in the Council between tlie "two gentlemen in the 
Francig. service of the Company and the three gentlemen 
appointed by the Crown. In one direction Warren 
Hastings had laid himself open to an attack. In 
an evil hour he had lent the services of a British 
brigade to the Nawab Vizier of Oudh, and the 
Nawab Vizier had employed the brigade against the 
Kohilla Afghans on the north-w^est in a quarrel 
with which the British had no concern. The Rohilla 
Afghans were defeated by the British brigade, and 
then plundered and brutally ill-treated by the 
cowardly troops of tlie Nawab Vizier. Warren 
Hastings could only defend himself by saying that 
money was urgently required by the East India 
Company, and that the Nawab Vizier had paid 
heavily for the brigade. 
Charges Whilst Philip Francis and his two independent 
nlSin^. colleagues were denouncing this transaction, the idea 
spread amongst the Bengalis that the three new 
members of Council had been sent by the King of 
Great Britain to redress the wrongs of natives. 
Petitions against Warren Hastings were poured into 
the Calcutta Council, and seriously investigated by 
Philip Francis and his two colleagues, whilst Hast- 
ings and Barwell formed a minority and could not 
override their proceedings. Hastings was charged 
with having taken a bribe of 100,000?. from the 


Bengal Provinces. 67 

Nawab Vizier of Oudh. Then it was said that the obav^u. 
public auctions of zemindaries were shams ; that the 
native servants of Hastings and others had succeeded 
in getting large estates at low leases, and that Hastings 
had shared in the gains. Finally, a Brahman, named 
Nundcomar, a man of notoriously bad character, 
charged Hastings with having taken bribes for 
certain lucrative appointments in the household of 
the Nawab at Murdhedabad. 

Warren Hastings might have rebutted the charges Nnndco. 
by producing his accounts, and allowing his steward exMuted. 
and other servants to be examined before the Council 
But he preferred standing on his dignity and re- 
fusing to answer the charges brought forward by 
Nundcomar, who was notorious for perjury, for 
forging other people's seals, and for carrying on 
secret correspondence with the enemies of the British. 
Suddenly Nundcomar was arrested on a charge of 
forgery, and tried in the Supreme Court by a full 
bench, comprising Chief Justice Impey and the three 
puisne judges, and, after a fair summing up, wa« 
found guilty by a British jury, and hanged 

Nundcomar was a Brahman, and in those early inaotioiiof 
days no Brahman, under Hindu law, could be put to ^"SS^' 
death ; whilst killing a Brahman, even by accident or -^ _ 
unavoidable circumstances, was regarded by Hindus as •'»n««' 
the moat horrible crime that could be committed by 
man. Forgery was a capital oflFence under English law, 
but not under Hindu or Mohammedan law. Hastings ^^^, ■ 
might have reprieved Nundcomar, but would not in- 
terfere. Philip Francis and his two allies, Clavering 
and Monson, were insolent and aggressive in the ex- 
treme. They had pushed Hastings into a comer from 

F 2 


India under British Rule. 

which he could not escape without damaging his posi- 
tion as Governor in the eyes of the Bengali population. 
They were equally insolent towards Sir Elijah Impey 
and the Supreme Court. They demanded, in arro- 
gant language, that every respect should be paid to 
the caste feelings of Nundcomar during his imprison- 
ment ; and whilst the trial was proceeding they 
addressed the Chief Justice in the language of 
reprimand, as though they had been his superiors. 
Sir Elijah Impey went so far as to consult Hindu 
pundits on the proper treatment of a Brahman under 
confinement, and to act in accordance with their sug- 
gestions. Indeed he seems to have regarded the pre- 
tensions of a Brahman to be above English law, to be 
as deserving of respect as the old " Benefit of Clergy," 
which was still in existence in England, although 
taken away by statute from several ofiences. The 
execution was delayed fur more than a month after 
conviction, and Nundcomar would probably have been 
reprieved altogether, but for the arrogance of Philip 
Francis and his two allies, and the additional perjuries 
and forgeries which were committed in the course of 
the trial. Had Sir Elijah Impey submitted further 
to the dictation of Francis, the Supreme Court would 
have lost all authority in the eyea of the people of 
Bengal. The abstract justice in executing Nundcomar 
for the crime of forgery may be open to question, 
but Sir Elijah Impey, as Chief Justice of the 
Supreme Court, was bound to follow English law, 
without making any exception in favour of a 

§ 10. Meanwhile there was a collision between the 
Supreme Court and the Sudder. The Supreme Court 


Bengal Peovisces. 69. 

began to exercUe jurisdiction over zemindars and ohap. il 
other Asiatics throughout the Bengal provinces, and Ckiiiidon 
to override the decisions of the Company's Courts. ^^^^ 
Its powers had not been clearly defined, and on one ^"JS^" 
occasion it had been called upon to arbitrate in a ^,?'* 
quarrel between Warren Hastings and General 
Clavering, thus assuming a superior authority by 
deciding diEFerences between the Govemor-General 
and a member of his Council Again, the judges of 
the Supreme Court were qualified lawyers appointed 
by the Crown, and they ignored the decisions of the 
Company's servants, who were not lawyers. 

The coUisiou, however, was entirely due to the rointain 
false position which the East India Company had ^"^P"**- 
taken up. The servants of the Company had as yet ' 
received no authority from Parliament or the Crown 
to act as judges, or to make laws. They affected to 
treat the Nawab as a sovereign, and to act in his 
name ; but the Nawab was a fiction set up to hide 
the territorial power of the East India Company 
from the British nation. Warren Hastings pleaded 
that the Bengal zemindars were servants of the 
Nawab, over whom the Supreme Court had no juris- 
diction. The judges replied that the Nawab was a 
puppet, a phantom, as unsubstantial as a king of the 
fairies. Unfortunately, the maintenance of this 
phantom Nawab for the benefit of the East India 
Company has been for more than a century a dead 
weight on the revenues of Bengal. 

In 1781 another Act of Parliament was passed puiia. 
which put everything to rights. It authorised the "^^^ 
Governor-General and Council of Bengal to make '^V^ 
regulations which should have the force of laws, and 
it restricted the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court 


70 India UNDisa British Rqlb. 

CHAP. II. to the old bounds of the settlement between the 
Mahratta ditch and the river Hiighly. But the state 
of Englishmen — that ie, of British bom aubjects of the 
Crown — was exceptional. They could not be tried by 
any of the Company's Courts, or under any of the 
Bengal regulations. A British born subject who com- 
mitted a criminal offence in any part of the Com- 
pany's territories in Bengal could only be tried by 
the judges in the Supreme Court, in accordance with 
English law, and could only be convicted by a jury 
of his own countrymen. 
Alleged Whilst the struggle was going on between the 

"rfiiiMy" Supreme Court and the Sudder, Warren Hastings 
appointed Sir Elijah Impey to be chief judge iu the 
■ Sudder, on a salary of 7,000^. per annum, in addition 
to hia post as chief justice in the Supreme Court. 
Philip Francis denounced this arrangement as a bribe 
to Impey ; possibly it may have been so, but in itself 
the appointment was admirably suited to the exigencies 
of the time. As an experienced lawyer. Sir Elijah 
Impey was far better fitted than Warren Hastings to 
act as chief judge in the Sudder, to hear appeals from 
the Company's Courts up-couutry, and to control the 
judicial administration of the Company's judges, who 
could not pretend to any legal training. But the 
malice of Philip Francis was as obvious in the case of 
Impey as in the case of Hastings. Francis had, been 
cast in heavy damages by the Supreme Court as a 
co-respondent ; and he was bent on the ruin of Impey. 
The result was that Impey was recalled to England 
and impeached.^ 

^ The defence of Sir Elijah Impey has been thoroughly inveeti- 
gated from a legal point of view, in the Storff o/fTuncomar and (A« 
Im])eac/iment 0/ Sir ElijaJi Impey, by Sir James Fitzjamea Stephen. 


Bengal Provinces. 71 

§ 11. Meanwhile the British had been drawn into a chap. ir. 
war with the Mahrattaa. For a hundied yeai-s the Orimn 
Mahrattaa had been the terror of India. Between Maiiratta 
1660 and 1680, Sivaji, the hero of the Mahrattas, p°""' 
founded the Mahratta kingdom in the Western Deccan, 
between Surat and Goa, The head-quarters of the 
family of Sivaji had been at Poona, about seventy 
miles to the south-east of Bombay, and Sivaji's early 
life and exploits were associated with Poona. Sub- 
sequently, in consequence of Mogul aggressions, the 
Mahratta capital was removed to Satara, about 
seventy miles to the south of Poona. 

In 1748 there was a revolution. The last de- gj^^ ^^ jj^^ 
sceudant of Sivaji was shut up in a fortress at Satara, Peishwas, 
whilst the Brahman minister, known as the Peishwa, 
removed to Poona, the ancient seat of Sivaji's family, 
and cradle of his dynasty. The imprisonment of the 
sovereign at Satara, and the reign of a Brahman 
minister at Poona, hardened into an institution ; aud 
whenever a Peishwa died, his successor went to 
Satara to be invested with the office of minister by 
his imprisoned sovereign.^ 

The Mahratta kingdom covered the greater part Pebhwa. 
of the area of the Mahratta-speaking people. But fcoda" 
the Peishwa aent his lieutenants to collect chout, ^"j^" 
or black -mail, in Northern India ; and one of Hoikar. 
these lieutenants, Mahadaji Sindia, became a greater 
man than his master. Sindia always professed 
to be the loyal servant of the Peishwa, and yet he 
mana^d to exercise a commanding influence at Poona, 

^ Two centurieB have passed away since the death of SiPAJi, 
yet in JuDe, 1885, a public meeting was held at Poona to take 
Kteps for repairing hia tomb. His admirers styled him the 
Wallace of the Deccan. 


72 India under British Rule. 

cHAp^ir. It was Mahadaji Sindia who carried off the Great 
Mogul to Delhi in 1771 and established a dominion 
in Hindustan, extending from the Gwalior territory 
northward over the valleys of the Jumna and Ganges, 
The other lieutenants were only beginning to play 
their parts in history ; they included Holkar of Indore, 
the Gaekwar of Baroda, and the Bhonala Raja of Berar 
in the Deccan, immediately to the northward of the 

British Very soon after the battle of Plassy, the British at 
with Calcutta came into contact with the BhoDsla Raja of 

^'"' Berar. It was the Bhonala Raja who compelled the 
later Nawabs of Bengal to pay chout, and to cede 
Cuttack ; and when Lord Clive had concluded his 
settlement with the Great Mogul and the Nawab 
Vizier of Oudh, he advised the Court of Directors to 
pay chout on condition of getting back Cuttack. But 
the Directors did not want Cuttack and would not pay 
black-mail ; and the Bhonsla Raja pressed his demand 
at convenient intervals, but wisely abstained from 
invading the Bengal provinces. 

Bombay Meanwhile, the British at Bombay had come into 

i'^iBhwas. contact with the Mahrattas at Poona. For years 
the East India Company had been anxious to hold 
two important positions close to Bombay harbour, 
namely, the little island of Salsette and the little 
peninsula of Bassein. But the Mahrattas had wrested 
Salsette and Bassein from the Portuguese, and would 
not part with them on any terms. A civil war, 
however, had broken out in the Mahratta country, 
A Peishwa had been murdered. An uncle ascended 
the throne, but was banished on suspicion of being 
the murderer. He applied for help to the British at 
Bombay, and offered to cede the coveted positions 


Bengal Provinces. 73 

if the Britiali at Bombay would restore him to the chap. n. 
Mahratta capital. The Governor and Council at 
Bombay closed with the offer, and the war began. 

After some successes, the British at Bombay met DiMtroas 
with disaster. Mahadaji Sindia appeared at Foona 
with a large army to act against the banished Peishwa. 
A British force advanced from Bombay towards Poona, 
but took alarm at the report of Sindia's army, and 
suddenly halted, and beat a retreat. During the 
return march, the British force was environed by the 
Mabrattas, and finally surrendered to Sindia under 
what is known as the " Convention of Worgaum." 

"Warren Hastings condemned the war from the out- sacmMog 
set ; as, however, the Company was committed to a Haa^opi? 
war, he exerted himself, in the teeth of Francis, to 
maintain British prestige in India. He sent an 
expedition, under Colonel Goddard, from Bengal to the 
Mahratta country, and detached another force under 
Captain Popham to capture Sindia's fortress at Gwalior, 
The success of these exploits electrified half India. 
The war wafl brought to a triumphant close, but all 
conquered territories, excepting Salsette and Bassein, 
were restored to the Mahrattas. Indeed, Warren 
Hastings was not a conqueror like Clive; he acquired 
no territory during his regime, excepting that of 
Benares, which was ceded to the Company by the 
Nawab Vizier of Oudh. 

§ 12. During the Mahratta war secret negotiations Three 
were carried on between the Indian powers for a p^^in 
confederation against the British. The two great ^"^^ 
powers of the Deccan — the Mahrattas on the west 
representing the Hindus, and the Nizam on the 
east representing the Mohammedans — had hated one 


74 India under British Rule. 

CHAP. ir. another for the greater part of a century. A third 
power, that of a Mohammedan adventurer named 
Hyder Ali, was becoming formidable further south 
on the western tableland of the peninsula. Hyder 
Ali is said to have once served as a sepoy in the 
French army. Later on, he entered the service of 
the Hindu Raja of Mysore, and eventually ousted 
the Raja, usurped the sovereign authority, and 
conquered the countries round about. 
Hyder AH For many years Hyder Ali was the Ishmael of the 
MfBore. Deccan and peninsula. His hand was against every 
man, and every man's hand was against him. He 
invaded alike the territories of the Mahrattaa and the 
Nizam in the Deccan, and those of the Nawab of the 
Carnatic up to the suburbs of Madras and Fort St. 
George. At the same time, he more than once ex- 
asperated the British by his secret dealings with 
the French at Pondicherry. 
invMioa About 1779 Warren Hastings was warned that the 
(jJ^riLtic, three powers — the Mahrattas, the Nizam, and Hyder 
brMidne "^ — Were preparing for simultaneous attacks on 
upotthe Bengal, Bombay, and Madras, and that a large 
uon. Mahratta army was already on the move from 
Berar territory for the invasion of the Bengal pro- 
vinces. In 1780 Hyder Ali desolated the Carnatic 
with an army of a hundred thousand men, but he 
was the only one of the three allies that kept to 
his engagement, and was eventually driven back 
by Sir Eyre Coote, one of the half-forgotteu war- 
riors of the eighteenth century. The Nizam did 
nothing; he probably waited to see what the others 
would do. The Mahrattas of Berar encamped in 
great force in the hills and jungles of Orissa, but only 
appear to have wanted a money present ; and after 


Bengal Provinces. 75 

wasting several montha they were induced by "Warren chap, il 
Haatinga to return to Berar. No movement of any 
kind wa3 undertaken againat Bombay ; and thus the 
strange confederation of Mohammedans and Mah- 
rattas melted away. 

§13. The quarrek, the wars, and the irregularities Pariia- 
of Warren Hastings induced the British ParHament intorferea. 
to attempt radical changes. The antagonism between 
Philip Francis and Warren Hastings had led to a duel, 
in which Francis was wounded ; and he returned to 
England to pour hia bitter prejudices against Warren 
Hastings into the ears of Burke and Fox. The re- 
sult was that a bitter animosity was excited, not 
only against Warren Hastings, but against the East 
India Company ; and Parliament was called upon to 
decide whether the control of the administration of 
British India ought not to be transferred from the 
Court of Directors to the British Crown. The main 
question was one of patronage. The patronage of 
Indian appointments would render the Crown too 
powerful, aa the elder Pitt had foreseen in the days of 
Clive ; and George III. was already straining his royal 
prerogative over Parliament and Ministers to an 
extent which was exciting alarm. 

In 1783, when the coalition ministry of Charles For's 
James Fox and Lord North was in power, Fox brought nss. ' 
forward a bill for abolishing the Court of Directors, 
and transferring their authority and patronage to 
seven Commissionera nominated by Ministers. The 
bill was passed by the Commons, but George III, 
opposed it, and it was rejected by the Lords. 

In 1784 William Pitt the younger brought in 
another bill, which left the Directors in full possession 


76 India undee British Rule. 

cBAP. II. of their power and patronage, but brought them 

Pitt under the strict aupervialon of a Board of Control, 

Board of consistjng of six privy councillors nominated by the 

178*!' Crown. Henceforth the President of the Board of 

Control, who was always a member of the Cabinet, 

was the centre of all authority, and was strictly 

responsible to Parliament for the conduct of Indian 


wl^n § 1^- Warren Hastings returned to England in 1785 
Hastinga. to find that the minds of Burke, Fox, and other lead- 
ing statesmen had been poisoned against him by 
Philip Francis. Eventually he was impeached by 
the Commons and tried by the Lords in Westminster 
Hall. Hastings was certiiinly responsible for the 
Rohilla war, and also responsible for the execution 
of Nundcomar ; but the crowning charge against him 
was that he had connived at the torture of the 
servants of the Oudh Begums by the Nawab Vizier 
of Oudh. The charge was painted in terrible coloure 
by Sheridan, and it may be as well to sum up the 
actual facts. 
Caw^ftiia j^ Nawab Vizier of Oudh died in 1775, leaving 
Bopmis. treasure to the value of some two or three millions 
sterling in the public treasury at Lucknow. The 
son and successor of the deceased ruler naturally 
assumed possession on the ground that the money 
was state property ; but his mother and grandmother, 
known as the two Begums, claimed it as private pro- 
perty, which the late Nawab Vizier had made over to 
them as a gift. Warren Hastings declined to inter- 
fere. Philip Francis, however, insisted that the 
British Government ought to interfere ; and eventu- 
ally the money was made over to the Begums on 


Bengal Provinces. 77 

the condition that they paid acme quarter of a chap. ii. 
million towards the State debt due to the East 
India Company. 

During the Mahratta war money waa urgently Diii 
required. The Nawab Vizier owed large arrears to connive "at 
the Company, but could not pay up unless he '"'^""■ 
recovered possession of the State treasures. Philip 
FraQcis had returned to England. Accordingly 
Warren Hastings abandoned the Begums to the 
tender mercies of the Nawab Vizier, and connived 
at the iraprisonment of their servants. It subse- 
quently appeared that the Nawab Vizier tortured 
the servants until the money was surrendered, but 
there is no evidence to show that Warren Hastings 
connived at the torture. 

Warren Hastings was undoubtedly a man of great Sfmcea of 
abilities and marvellous energy. His services to the "'^' 
East India Company, and to British interests in India, 
are beyond all calculation. But he was exposed to 
great temptation in times when public virtue was 
less exalted than it has been in the present genera- 
tion, and he was hedged around with enemies who 
were spiteful and unscrupulous enough to misrepre- 
sent any and every transaction. His errors were 
those of his time, but his genius is stamped for ever 
on the history of British India. His misdeeds cannot 
be entirely overlooked, but he paid a bitter penalty. 
For many months he was threatened by the proceed- 
ings which culminated in his trial at Westminster 
Hall. Eventually he was acquitted of all charges, 
but his trial was protracted over seven long years 
and ruined his private fortunes and public career. 

After the lapse of a hundred years, the flaws in the 
character of Warren Hastings may be condoned in 


?8 India under British Rule. 

CHAP. II. consideration of his merit8 as an administrator. 'He 
Meri^M found the Bengal provinces in chaos, and introduced 
'ifltxatOT."' light and order. He converted British traders into 
revenue collectors, magistrates, and judges, but he 
established Courts of Appeal to supervise their pro- 
ceedings ; and if his magistrates and judges had 
no legal training, they were at any rate Britons 
with a national sense of justice, and their decisions 
were infinitely better than those of Bengal zemin- 
dars, without law, or justice, or control. Warren 
Hastings kept a watchful eye on British interests as 
well as on the welfare of the people under his charge. 
He sent a mission to Tibet, which shows his anxiety 
for the extension of trade. He recorded a touching 
tribute to the memory of Augustus Cleveland, a young 
Bengal civilian who had done much to humanise and 
elevate the rude Sonthala of the Rajmahal hills, which 
sufficiently proves his sympathy with the well-being 
of the masses. Altogether, if Warren Hastings is 
not so free from blame as lie is represented by his 
friends, he certainly was not so black as he has been 
painted by his enemies. 

i_(^ §15. In 1786 Lord Cornwallis, an independent peer, 

^mJ^s^' ^*^ appointed Governor-General. This event marks 
a change in British rule. Lord Cornwallis was the 
first British peer, and the first Englishman not in 
the service of the East India Company, who was 
appointed to the post of Govemor-GeneraL He 
carried out two measures which have left their mark 
in history, namely, the perpetual settlement with 
the Bengal zemindars, and the reform of the judicial 

The settlement with the Bengal zemindars was still 


Bengal Provinces. 79 

awaiting a decision. Lord Comwallis waa anxious to ■■■hap, h. 
arrange the land revenue of the Bengal provinces on Perpetnai 
English lines. He abandoned the yearly leases, and ment. 
concluded leases for ten years, with the view of even- 
tually declaring the settlement to be perpetual. Mr. 
John Shore, a Bengal civilian, pressed for a preliminary 
inquiry into the rights of the rj'ots, for the purpose 
of fixing the rents. But Lord Cornwallis was opposed 
■ to any further delay. In 1793 he proclaimed that 
the ten years settlement would be perpetual ; that the 
tenant-rights of ryots would be left to future inquiry ; 
and that henceforth the Bengal zemindars would be 
invested with the proprietary rights enjoyed by 
English landlords, so long as they paid the fixed 
yearly revenue to Government and respected all 
existing rights of ryots and cultivators. 

The judicial system introduced by Warren Hastings jnJicial 
was modified by Lord Comwallis. The British col- ''™"' 
lector, as already seen, was also magistrate and civil 
judge. Lord Comwallis decided that a collector 
ought to have no judicial duties under which he 
might be called on to adjudicate in revenue ques- 
tions. Accordingly a regulation was passed under 
which the duties of revenue collector were separated 
from those of magistrate and judge, and the magis- 
trate and judge was to be the head of the district, 
whilst the revenue collector was his subordinate. It 
is difiicult to understand the merits of this measure. 
Since then the two offices have been sometimes united 
and sometimes separated. Eventually the two offices of 
magistrate and collector were united in the same person. 

Four provincial Courts of Circuit and Appeal were Non- 
created by Lord Comwallis, and remained without "^lon""" 
alteration for a period of forty years. One Court 


80 India undeb Britmh Rule. 

CHAI^^1I. was at Calcutta, a second at Dacca, a third at 
Murshedabad, and a fourth at Patna. Each Court 
consisted of three civilian judges and three Asiatic 
expounders of the law, namely, a Mohammedan cazi 
and mufti, and a Hindu pundit. The judges .sat 
in their respective cities to hear appeals in civil 
cases ; and they went twice a year on circuit to try 
the prisoners who had been committed by the district 
magistrates within their respective jurisdictions. 
Mnnaifi Lord Comwallis also created a class of Hindu 

dott^hs. civil judges named munaifs, and a new body of 
Asiatic police under the name of darogahs. These 
changes are best dealt with in connection with 
modem reforms which will be brought under review 
in a future chapter. 

Firetwnr Lord Comwallis was engaged in two campaigns 
■^^. against Tippu of Mysore, the son and successor of 
Hyder AU. The war is a thing of the past. Tippu 
had invaded the territory of the Hindu Raja of 
Travancore, who was under British protection ; and a 
triple alliance was formed against him as a common 
enemy by the British Government, the Peishwa of the 
Mahrattas, and the Nizam of Hyderabad. In the 
end Tippu was reduced to submission and compelled 
to cede half his territories, which were distributed 
amongst the three allies. The confedemtion, which 
only lasted to the end of the war, is memorable for 
suggesting the idea of maintaining the peace of India 
by a balance of power, which for a brief interval 
dazzled the imaginations of Anglo-Indian statesmen,' 

I Lord CorDwalUe carried out important reforms in the Bengal 
army, and tbas enabled his euccessora to build up the larger 
Indian empire. The British army in India, Asiatic and 
European, will be brought under review w Chapter V., 
which deals with the sepoy revolt of 1857—58. 


Bengal PaoviNCEa. 81 

In 1793 Lord Comwallia was succeeded by Sir chap. n. 
John Shore, the Bengal civilian who pressed Lord Shore, 
ComwaUis to settle the rights and rents of the ryots abolition' 
before proclaiming the perpetual settlement with the "dhtma." 
zemindars. He is better known by bis later title of 
Lord Teignmouth. He was the first British ruler who 
suppressed a Hindu institution. He put a stop to 
"sitting in dharoa," a Hindu usage which was sub- 
versive of all justice and all law. It was based on 
the superstitious belief that the life of a Brahman 
was as sacred as that of a sovereign, and that killing 
a Brahman, or being in any way implicated in 
his death, was the most hideous crime that could be 
committed by mortal man. Any Brahman might ruin 
a Hindu, either for private revenge or to avenge 
another, by sitting at his door and refusing to take 
food. The victim was as helpless as a bird under the 
fascination of a serpent. He dared not eat so long as 
the Brahman fasted. He dared not move lest the 
Brahman should injure himself or kill himself — a 
catastrophe which would doom the victim to ex- 
communication in this life and perdition in the next. 
The terrors of this superstition were removed by a 
British regulation passed in 1797; and although 
" sitting in dhama" is still a crime under the Penal 
Code, the memory of the usage ia passing away.' 
Sir John Shore strictly adhered to the old policy of 

' The abolition of " sitting in dhama " by Sir John Shore was 
the first great social reform which was carried oat in India 
under British rule. In 1802 Lord Wellesley abolished the still 
mora horrible practice of sacrificing living children by throwing 
them to the alligators at the month of the Ganges ; whilst the 
once famous rite of suttee, or the burning of living widows with 
their dead hosbands, was practised under British rule down to 
1629, when it was abolished by Lord William Bentinck. 


82 India under Bbitish Rulk. 

CHAP. II. non-intervention, which amounted to political isola- 
tion. Meanwhile the Mahratta powers united to 
demand enormous arrears of chout from the Nizam ; 
and the Nizam was utterly defeated, prostrated and 
paralysed. All hope of a balance of power for the 
maintenance of the peace of India was thus cast to 
the winds. Finally, as if to show beyond all question 
the absurdity of the idea, the Mahratta powers were 
at war with each other for the mastery at Poona. 
Such was the state of affairs in 1798 when Lord 
Mornington, better known by his later title of 
Marquis of AVellesley, succeeded Sir John Shore as 
Governor-General, boasting, as he left Europe, that 
he was going to govern India from a throne with 
the sceptre of a statesman, and not from behind a 
counter with the yard measure of a trader. 




gl. Lord HoTuiugtcii (Uarqnis of Welleslej), 1T9S— ISOC: laat war agaiiut 
Tippn, 17M. 9 2. CamftUo oon&scated and umezed to Madras Pred- 
deno;. g S. Wellealey's scheme of > psmnoimt power, g i. Second 
Mahmtlawar: successes of Arthur Welleslej and l^e. gS. Disastroos 
war with Holkar. g 8. Ketnru to non-mterrention. g7. Sepoy matmy 
in Madras army. 1 8. Lord Uinto, 1S07 — IS : wars and aUiaaces against 
FraDCB. S 9. Erila of nou-interrention in Rajpntana : tronbles in Nipal. 
g 10, Lord Moira (Marquis of Hastings), 1813—23 : var nith Nipal, 
1S14 — 16. §11. ReTiTal of the paramQunt powei : Piodhart and Mah- 
ratta wars, 1817— 18. §12. Lord Amherst, 1828— 28 : wars with Bunna 
and Bhnrtpora. gIS. Lord William Bentinck, 1828—86 ; abolition of 
Suttee, g 14. Suppression of Thugs, g 15. AdminiatratiTe reforms. 
1 16. North- Weat Provinces : Joint Tillsge Proprietors, g 17. Madras 
and Bombay Preaidencies : By otnari Settlements, g IB. Chauge« under 
the Charter of 1838. gl8. Sir Charles Metcalfe, 1835— 3fl. 

In 1798 British India was conironted on all sides by chap. m. 
France or Frenchmen. An army of sepoys, drilled French 
and commanded by French officers, was maintained ^l^^ 
by the Nizam in the Deccan. Another French 
officered army was maintained by Sindia in Western 
Hindustan, between the Jumna and the Ganges. 
Napoleon Buonaparte was invading Egypt, and 
threatening to conquer the world. 

The successes and crimes of the French Revolution Asiatic 
had filled Europe with indignation and despair, "'""f "'^ 
Napoleon Buonaparte had risen, like another Chenghiz ^*p*''"'"- 
Khan or Timour, to take the world by storm. He 
had driven the British from TouIod, conquered Italy, 
o 2 


84 India under British Rule. 

cB*p. III. wrested the Netherlands from Austria, threatened to 
invade the British Isles, and then had landed in 
Egypt, won tha battle of the Pyramids, and pro- 
claimed himself to be a follower of the Prophet. Not 
a man in Europe or Asia could penetrate the designs 
of the young Corsican. Alexander of Macedon had 
invaded Egypt as a prelude to the conquest of Persia 
and India. Napoleon might follow in his footsteps 
after the lapse of twenty-two centuries. He might 
restore the Caliphat of Bagdad on the banks of the 
Tigris, or resuscitate the sovereignty of the Great 
Mogul over Northern India, from the banks of the 
Indus to the mouths of the Ganges. 

Tippa'B § 1. The first duty of Lord Mornington was to get 
TriSi" rid of the French sepoy battalions in the Deccan and 
Hindustan, and to provide for the defence of India 
against France and Napoleon. Within three weeks 
of his landing at Calcutta the note of alarm was 
sounded in Southern India. Tippu, Sultan of Mysore, 
had formed a hostile alliance with France against 
Great Britain. It appeared that Tippu had been 
groaning under his humiliation by Lord Comwallis, 
and burning to be revenged on the British govern- 
ment. He hesitated to ally himself with the Mahrattas 
or the Nizam, and coveted an alliance with a Euro- 
pean power. Accordingly he secretly sent emissaries 
to the French governor of Mauritius, to conclude 
a treaty with France and Napoleon against Great 
Britain. The idea fired the imagination of the French 
at Mauritius, and the fact of the treaty was pub- 
lished in the Mawitius Gazette, and republished in 
the Calcutta newspapers for the' edification of the 
new Governor-General. 


Imperial Government. 85 

Lord MorniDgton naturally concluded that Tippu ceap. m. 
was in collusion with Napoleon, and that a French fleet Eipism- 
might soon be sailing from Egypt down the Red Sea demanded. 
to help Tippu in the invasion of the Carnatic, or to 
help Sindia to restore the supremacy of the Great 
Mogul over Oudh and Bengal, In the first instance he 
called upon Tippu for an explanation, and proposed 
to send an envoy to Seringapatam to arrange for a 
better understanding between the two governments. 

Meanwhile Tippu was amazed and bewildered. To '^'Pi™ 
have his secret designs suddenly published in succes- fonndwwi. 
sive newspapers, and then to be called upon for an 
explanation, seems to have stupefied him. He replied 
that the French were liars, and refused to receive an 
envoy from Ijord Momington. To have overlooked the 
offence would have been sheer madness. Accordingly 
Lord Momington determined to revive the old alli- 
ance with the Nizam and the Mahrattas against 
Tippu, and meanwhile to get rid of the French 
sepoy battalions. 

The Nizam welcomed a British alliance as offering French 
a means of escape from the crushing demands of the dabanded 
Mahrattafi. He was glad enough for the British to '*abad'' 
disband his French sepoy battalions, which drained his 
resources, and were tlireatening to mutiny for arrears 
of pay. A British force was moved to Hyderabad, 
the disbandment was proclaimed, and a battle was 
expected. Suddenly, the French sepoys raised an 
uproar, and the French officers rushed into the 
British lines for protection. It was the old Asiatic 
story of mutiny for want of pay, and when the 
British advanced the money, the sepoya went away 
rejoicing, and the French oflacers were thankful for 
their deliverance. 


86 India under British Rdle. 

OBAP. III. Lord Mornington next began his negotiations with 

Mnbrtttaa the Mahrattas, but they raised up a boat of difficulties. 

Brituh The Peishwa at Poona was a young Brahman, sharp 

aiiittDoe. ^^^ suspicions. He was jealous of the British alliance 

with the Nizam, which boded no good as regarded 

future payments of chout, but he was anxious to 

keep on good terras with the British. Accordingly 

he promised to send a contingent to join the British 

in the war against Tippu, but at heart he bad no 

intention of doing anything of the kind. With him 

an alliance with the Christian or the Mohammedan 

was a mere question of money. He was anxious to 

sell his alliance to the highest bidder. Accordingly 

he entertained Tippu's envoys at Poona in the hope 

that the Sultan might eventually offer higher terms 

than the British for the services ol a Mahratta army. 

Destrac- In 1799 Lord Mornington began the war against 

Tippn, Mysore. A British army from Madras, under the 

^^**' command of General Harris, invaded it from the east, 

whilst another force from Bombay invaded it from 

the west The two armies soon closed round Tippu. 

He saw that he was environed by his enemies, and 

that resistance was hopeless. He sued for terms, but 

was told to cede the half of his remaining dominions 

and pay up two millions sterling. He refused to 

surrender on such crushing conditions, and retired to 

his fortress at Seringapatam, resolved to die sword in 

hand rather than become a servant or a pensioner. 

In May, 1799, Seringapatam was taken by storm, and 

the dead body of Tippu was found in the gateway. 

Croeity of xhe fate of Tippu might have been regretted but 

for his cruel treatment of British prisoners in former 

wars. At Bangalore, British captives were chained 

together, starved, threatened, and tormented until 


Imperial Government. 87 

some ■were driven to become Mohammedans, The "kap. m. 
conseqnence was, that during the advance on Serin- 
gapatam British soldiers were burning for revenge, 
and Sir David Baird, one of the greatest sufferers, 
be^ed for the command of the storming party as a 
relief to his outraged feelings. When the war was 
over, the death and downfall of the tyrant was cele- 
brated in songs which were reverberated from India 
to the British Isles, and the old strains are still 
lingering in the memories of some who are yet living.* 

Lord Mornington annexed part of Mysore territory Hindn 
to the Madras Presidency, and gave another share M^d. 
to the Nizam ; and he proposed, as will be seen here- 
after, to give a third share to the Mahrattas ; but he 
converted the remainder into a Hindu kingdom. 
Accordingly an infant scion of the Hindu Raja, who 
had been deposed by Hyder Ali some forty years pre- 
viously, was placed on the throne of Mysore in charge 
of a British Resident and a Brahman Minister until he 
should attain his majority. The subsequent career of 
the Raja will be brought under review hereafter. 

§ 2. Soon after the capture of Seringapatam a clan- Atmeia- 
destine correspondence was discovered in the palace Cumtic. 

' The following fragment preeerrefl something of the feeling 
of the time : — 

" Fill the wine-cnp fiut, for the etonu ig put. 
The trrant llppa is alaiii at kat. 
And Tietoi7 smile* 
To ravsrd the toils 
Of Britona once sgain. 

" Let the trumpet sonnd, and the aoiitid go Tonnd 
Alonf; the boDud of Eastern ground ; 

Let the cymbals clang 

With a menr-meny bang, 
To the joye of the next campaign. " 


88 India under British Role. 

cHAP^iii. between the Nawab of the Camatic and the deceaaed 
Tippu. The treachery waa undeniable. At the same 
time the discovery enabled the British to get rid of 
a dynasty that had oppressed the people and intrigued 
with the enemies of the East India Company for half 
a century. Nawab Mohammed Ali, whom the British 
had placed on the throne of the Carnatic in opposi- 
tion to the French, had died in 1795. His sou and 
successor had followed in the steps of his father, but 
no complaints reached him, for he was smitten with 
mortal disease. Lord Mornington, now Marquis of 
Wellealey, waited for his death, and then told the 
family that their rule was over. The title of Nawab 
was preserved, and pensions were liberally provided, 
but the Camatic was incorporated with the Madras 
Presidency, and brought under British administration 
Uke the Bengal provinces, 

Scuidaia The annexation of the Camatic delivered Madras 
rale, from a host of scandals which had been accumu- 
lating for some forty years. The old Nawab had 
removed from Arcot to Madras, and carried on 
costly intrigues with the Company's servants in 
India, and with influential persons in the British 
Isles, in the hope of getting the revenues into his 
own hands, and leaving the East India Company 
to defend his territories out of their own resources. 
He loaded himself with debt by bribing his sup- 
porters with pretended loans, which existed only 
on paper, bore exorbitant interest, and were eventu- 
ally charged on the public revenue. All this while, 
he and his officials were obstructing British operations 
in the field by withholding supplies, or treacherously 
informing the enemy of the movements of the British 
army. Since the annexation of the Carnatic in 1801 


Imperial GoveENMENT. 89 

all these evils have passed into oblivion, and the chap, m, 
public peace has remained undisturbed. 

S 3. The war with Tippu taught Lord Wellesley Waiies- 
that it was impossible to trust the Mahrattas. They foiltkti 
would not join the British government against a 'y™^ 
common enemy unless paid to do so ; and they were, 
always ready to go over to the enemy on the same 
terms. Accordingly Lord Wellesley proposed to 
maintain the peace of India, not by a balance of 
power, but by becoming the sovereign head of a 
league for the prevention of all future wars. 

With these views Lord Wellesley proposed that Subsidiary 
neither the Nizam nor the Mahrattas should take "****■ 
any French officers into their pay for the future ; 
that neither should engage in any war or negotiation 
without the consent of the British government ; and 
that each should maintain a subsidiary force of 
sepoys, drilled and commanded by British officers, 
which should be at the disposal of the British go- 
vernment for the maintenance of the peace of India. 

The Nizam accepted the subsidiary alliance. He nizua 
provided for the maintenance of a Hyderabad Sub- *'^^^ 
sidiary Force by ceding to the British government 
all the territories which he had received on account 
of the Mysore wars. By this arrangement all money 
transactions were avoided, and the subsidiary force 
was paid out of the revenues of the ceded districts. 

The Mahratta rulers utterly refused to accept sub- tuhratta* 
sidiary alliances in any shape or form. They did not '*^'"*" 
want British protection, and they would not permit 
any interference by mediation or otherwise with their 
claims for chout against the Nizam. The Peishwa 
would not maintain a subsidiary force, but he was 


90 India dndeb British Rule. 

cHAP^iii. willing to take British battalions of aepoya into his 
pay, provided he might employ them against Sindia 
or any other refract^uy feudatory. He would not 
pledge himself to abstain from all wars or negotia- 
tions without the consent of the British government 
He was willing to help the British in a war with 
France, but he would not dismiss the Frenchmen 
in his service. 

Sindia Sindia was still more obstinate and contemptuous. 

Britiah Mahadaji Sindia was dead. His successor, Daulat 

\^^ Rao Sindia, was a young man of nineteen, but 
AfghanB. already the irresponsible ruler of a large dominion in 
Western Hindustan. He was all-powerful at Delhi, 
and was bent upon being equally all-powerful at 
Poona. He collected chout from the princes of Raj- 
putana, and, with the help of his French-officered bat- 
talions of sepoys, he had established a supremacy over 
the valleys of the Jumna and Ganges from the banks 
of the Sutlej to the frontier of Oudh at Cawnpore. 
Lord Wellesley would not venture to offer a subsidiary 
alliance to a prince so puffed up with pride as young 
Sindia, The Afghans, however, were threatening to 
invade India, and Lord Wellesley invited Sindia to 
join in an alliance against the Afghans. But Sindia 
would not hamper himself with a British alliance. He 
was not afraid of the Afghans. At any rate he waited 
for the Afghans to appear before taking any steps 
to prevent their coming. 

British Lord Wellesley was not afraid of Afghans alone, 
but of French or Russians, who might make their way 
through Persia, join the Afghans, resuscitate the 
Great Mogul, and establish a European empire in his 
name as the rightful representative of Aurangzeb. 
Accordingly Lord Wellesley sent the once famous Sir 


Imperial Goveenment. 91 

John Malcolm on a miaaion to Persia to persuade the chap. ui. 
Shah to bar out the French and prevent the Afghans 
from invading India. Meanwhile, he auxioualy 
waited some turn in Mahratta affairs which would 
bring their riilers into a more compliant mood towards 
the British government. 

Lord Wellesley, however, determined that the ProTiooea 
Nawab Viader of Oudh should contribute something o«dh!"° 
further towards the defence of India against invasion. 
The Nawab Vizier maintained a rabble army that was 
costly and useless, and he depended entirely on 
British troops for his defence against Afghans and 
Mahrattas. He was urged to disband his rabble 
army aad replace it by battalions of sepoys trained 
and commanded by British officers ; but he was im- 
practicable, and Lord Wellesley got over the difficulty 
by taking half his territory for the maintenance of the 
required battalions. This was an arbitrary proceeding, 
but it was justified on the score of state necessity and 
self-preservation. It pushed the British frontier west- 
ward to Cawnpore on the Ganges, where it was 
close to' Sindia and bis French sepoy battalions, and 
would be face to face with any foreign invasion from 
the north-west. The new territories were called " ceded 
provinces," and eventually were incorporated with 
what are now known as the North-West Provinces.' 

MeanwhUe the Mahratta empire was falling into Sindik 
the hands of Sindia. This ambitious feudatory tried 'n^ir! 
to pose as the protector of his suzerain the Peishwa. 

' There was alao some show of treaty rights in appropriating 
the territory, but the qneetion is obscnre and obsolete. In 1776 
the Nawab Yisier had ceded the rerennes of the territory for 
the maintenance of a British force in Oudh, and Lord Wellesley 
is said to have only closed the mortgage by taldng over the 


92 India under British Rulk. 

CHAP. 111. The two, however, were perpetually plotting against 
each other ; the soldier and the Brahman were each 
trying to be master. About this time Holkar died, 
and Sindia hastened to Indore and put an imbecile 
son of Holkar on the throne, as a preliminary step 
to appropriating the territory and revenues. 

RiM of At this moment a bandit prince appeared at Indore 
"^w" with an army of predatory horsemen, — brigands and 

•*"'^"' outlaws, the scum of Central India. He was a bastard 
son of the deceased Holkar, and was known as Jas- 
want Rao Holkar. He was routed by Sindia'a French 
battalions, but the scattered horsemen soon rallied 
round his banners, and he went off to the south to 
threaten Poona and the Peishwa, 

Flight of The Peishwa was wild with terror. Under his 

Peiahna. Orders a brother of Jaswant Bao Holkar had been 
dragged to death by an elephant through the streets, 
and he had reason to believe that Jaswant Bao was 
bent on revenge. His army was reinforced by Sindia, 
but the united forces were utterly routed by Jaswant 
Bao outside the city of Poona, Accordingly he fled 
away to the coast, and embarked on board a British 
ship for the port of Bassein, about twenty miles to 
the north of Bombay, 

Feiahw* The Peishwa was ready to make any sacrifice to 
iuUddi"^ procure British help. Accordingly he accepted the 

'iBoa'^ subsidiary alliance on the condition that the British 
restored him to Poona. The terms were soon 
arranged, and the treaty was signed at Bassein on 
the last day of December, 1802. The Peishwa ceded 
territories for the maintenance of a Poona Subsidiary 
Force, and sacrificed his position as suzerain of the 
Mahratta confederacy. For the future he was bound 
to abstain from all wars and negotiations, even with 


Impebial Government. 93 

his own feudatories, excepting by the knowledge and cha?. m. 
consent of the British government. 

S 4. The Mahratta feudatories were bewildered and SmmM 
3 -f .1,. 

in the room of the Peishwa ; the Christian governor 
of Calcutta was lord over the Brahman Peishwa of 
Poona. True, the Peishwa was restored to his 
throne at Poona, but only as the creature of the 
British government, not as the suzerain of the Moh- 
rattas. Sindia's hope of ruling the Mahrattas in the 
name of the Peishwa was shattered by the treaty. 
The Raja of Berar was equally down-hearted. The 
Gaekwar of Baroda accepted the subsidiary alliance, 
and ceased to play a part in history. Jaswant 
Bao Holkar was out of the running ; he was an 
outlaw and an interloper. 

The whole brunt of the struggle against the British VacUU- 
supremacy, if there was to be any struggle at all, stodi* 
thus fell on Daulat Rao Sindia of Gwalior and the ^^^^ 
Bhonala Raja of Berar. Meanwhile the two Mah- 
ratta princes moved restlessly about with large 
armies, drawing nearer and nearer to the Nizam's 
frontier as if to enforce their claims to chout. 
They would not accept a subsidiary treaty, and 
they would not break with the British govern- 
ment. They tried to tempt Jaswant Rao to join 
them, but the young brigand only played with 
them. He got them to recognise his succession to 
the throne of Indore, and then returned to his capital, 
declaring that he must leave Sindia and the Bhonsla 
to fight the British in the Deccan, whilst he went 
away north to fight them in Hindustan. 


94 India undee British Rule. 

CH4P. iij. Lord Wellcaley was well prepared for an outbreak. 
WeUM- His younger brother, Colonel Arthur Wellesley, waa 
campaign watching Sindia and the Bhonsla in the Deccan, whilst 
De^, General Lake, commander-ia-chief of the Bengal array, 
1803. ^g^ watching the French sepoy battaliona of Sindia 
in Hindustan. Sindia was vacillating and irresolute, 
but his language was growing more hostile. He said 
he was waiting for Jaswant Rao Holkar ; he talked of 
collecting chout in the Nizam's territory ; and he 
expressed doubts whether there would be peace or 
war. At last he was told that he was breaking the 
public peace, and must take the consequences. 
British The battle of Assaye was fought on the Nizam's 
A»aay6* frontier on 23rd September, 1803. It was the old 
story of a British army of five thousand men fight- 
ing an Asiatic army of fifty thousand. The Mahratta 
artillery worked terrible execution on the British 
army, and one-third of its European force was left dead 
or wounded in the field. But the Bhonsla Raja fled 
at the first shot, and Sindia soon followed his example. 
General Wellesley's victory at Assaye crushed 
the hopes of the Mahrattas. Sindia especially took 
his lesson to heart. It was followed by the capture 
of fortresses and another victory at Argaum ; and by 
the end of 1803 the campaign in the Deccan was 
over, and Sindia and the Bhonsla came to terms. 
Oenerai Meanwhile, General Lake had fought a brilliant 
cBmp^n campaign in Hindustan. Directly he heard that war 
"* 1^°' had begun in the Deccan he left Cawnpore, on the 
British frontier, and pushed his way to Delhi. He 
defeated the French sepoy cavalry and captured the 
fortress at Alighur. Next he defeated the French 
sepoy infantry and entered Delhi in triumph. He was 
received with open arms by the poor old Padishah, 


Impebial Goveknment. 95 

Shah Alam, who once again threw himself upon ohap. hi. 
British protection. He left Delhi in charge of 
Colonel Ochterlony, marched down the right bank of 
the river Jumna, captured the city of Agra, and 
brought the campaign to a close by a crowning victory 
at Laawari, which broke up the French sepoy bat- 
talions for ever, and placed the British government 
in possession of the relics of the Mogul empire in 

The campaigns of Wellesley and Lake established British 
the British government as the paramount power in pu^ 
India. Sindia was driven by Wellesley to the north- '"''™'" 
ward of the Nerbudda river, and by Lake to the 
southward of the Jumna. The Bhonsla Raja was 
deprived of Berar on one side and Outtack on the 
other, and was henceforth known only as the Raja of 
Nagpore. The Britieh government had acquired the 
sovereignty of the Great Mogul and that of the 
Peishwa of the Mahrattas. It took the princes ot 
Rajputana under its protection, and prepared to shut 
out Sindia and Holkar from Rajput territories. Only 
one Mabratta prince of any importance remained to 
tender his submission, and that was Jaswant Rao 
Holkar of Indore. 

§ 5. The British government was not responsible for BeUtiom 
the usurpation of Jaswant Rao Holkar. It was willing Htikw. 
to accept him as the de facto ruler of the Indore princi- 
pality, and to leave him alone, provided only that he 
kept within his own territories, and respected the 
territories of the British and their allies. 

Jaswant Rao Holkar, however, was a born free- Hoikar-a 
booter, a Mohratta of the old school of Sivaji. He *S^.' 
was not ambitious for political power like Sindia, and 


96 India dhdek British Rule. 

oHAp. 111. he wanted no drilled battalione. He was a Cossack 
at heart, and loved the old free life of Mahratta 
brigandage. Like Sivaji, he was at home in the 
saddle, witii spear in hand, and a bag of grain and 
goblet of water hanging from his horse. He and his 
hordes 8coured the country on horseback, collected 
plunder or chout, and rode over the hills and far 
away whenever regular troops advanced against them. 
Indore was his home and Western India was his 
quarry ; and never perhaps did he collect a richer 
harvest of plunder and chout than he did in Rajpu- 
tana during the latter half of 1S03, when Lake was 
driving Sindia and the French out of Hindustan, and 
Wellesley was establishing peace in the Deccan. 
Diffionities Jaswant Eao Holkar looked at the British govem- 
"ohout." ment &om his own individual point of view. He was 
no respecter of persons ; he despised the Peishwa, 
and had got all he wanted from Sindia and the 
Bhonsla. The British government was his bite noire ; 
it had grown in strength, and was opposed to the 
collection of chout. He wanted it to guarantee him 
in the possession of Holkar's principality, and to 
sanction his levying chout after the manner of his 
ancestors ; and he refused to withdraw from Raj- 
putana until these terms were granted. If his pre- 
tensions were rejected, he threatened to burn, sack, 
and slaughter his enemies by hundreds of thousands. 
Such was the ignorant and re&actory Mahratta that 
defied the East India Company and the British 
L«ke»t- The reduction of Jaswant Kao Holkar was thus a 
Hoikir. political necessity. In April, 1804, General Lake 
entered Rajputana, and drove Jaswant Rao Holkar 
southward into Indore territory. In June the rains 


Imperial Government. 97 

were approaching, and General Lake left Colonel ckap. iii. 
Monson to keep a watch on Holkar, with five bat- DisMtroiw 
talions of sepoys, a train of artillery, and two bodies Moiwon, 
of irregular horse, and then withdrew to cantonments. 
Colonel Monson pushed on still further south into 
Indore territory, but in July everything went wrong. 
Supplies ran low. Expected reinforcements failed to 
arrive. Jaswant Kao turned back with overwhelming 
forces and a large train of artillery. In an evil hour 
Monson beat a retreat. The rains were very heavy. 
The British guns sunk in the mud and were spiked 
and abandoned. Terrible disasters were incurred in 
crossing rivers. The Rajputs turned against him. 
His brigade was exposed to the fire of Holkar's guns 
and the charges of Holkar's horse. About the end of 
August only a shattered remnant of Monson's brigade 
managed to reach British territory. 

For a brief period British prestige vanished from Reaction 
Hindustan, and Jaswant Rao Holkar was the hero of Britiah m- 
the hour. Sindia forgot his wrongs against Jaswant P"***^* 
Rao, and his defeats at Assaye and Argaum, and 
declared for Holkar. Fresh bodies of bandits and 
outlaws joined the standard of Holkar to share in 
the spoil of his successes. With Mahratta audacity 
Jaswant Rao pushed on to Delhi, to capture Shah 
Alam and plunder Hindustan in the name of the 
Great Mogul. He was beaten ofi" from Delhi by the 
small garrison under Colonel Ochterlony, but the 
Jhat Raja of Bhurtpore received him with open arms 
in that huge clay fortress, the stronghold of the pre- 
datory system of the eighteenth century, which to 
this day is the wonder of Hindustan. Holkar left his 
guns in the fortress and went out to plunder ; and 
Lake, instead of following him up, wasted four months 


98 India undeb BeiriaH Rule. 

CHAP. III. in a futile attempt to capture the Bhurtpore fortrosa 
without a siege train. 

Roverejiof R g. The retreat of Monson was not only a disastrous 

Lord Wei- ^ ■' 

iaaiey*8 blow to British prestige, but ruined for a while the 
'leoB* reputation of Lord Wellesley. Because a Mahratta 
freebooter had broken loose in Hindustan, the Home 
authorities imagined that all the Mahratta powers had 
risen against the imperial policy of the Governor- 
General. Lord Wellesley was recalled from his post, 
and Lord Comwallis was sent out to take his place, 
to reverse the policy of hia illustrious predecessor, to 
scuttle out of Western Hindustan, to restore all the 
ceded territories, to surrender all the captured 
fortresses, and to abandon large tracts of country 
to be plundered and devastated by the Mahrattas, 
as they had been from the days of Sivaji to those of 
Wellesley and Lake. 
Deiih of Before Lord Comwallis reached Bengal the politi- 
Corn- cal outlook had brightened. Jaswant Rao Holkar 
was flying into the Pimjab from General Lake, and 
was soon brought to bay. Daulat Rao Sindia was 
repenting his desertion from the British alliance. 
The Jhat Raja of Bhurtpore had implored forgiveness 
and paid a heavy fine. But Lord Comwallis was 
sixty-seven years of age, and had lost the nerve 
which he had displayed in his wars against Tippu ; 
and he would have ignored the turn of the tide, and 
persisted in falling back on the old policy of concilia- 
tion and non-intervention, had not death cut short 
hia career before he had been ten weeks in the 

Sir George Barlow, a Bengal civilian, succeeded for 
a while to the post of Govemor^General, as a pro- 


Imperial Goveenment. 99 

-visional arrangement He had been a member of cbaf. m. 
Council under both Wellesley and Comwallia, andsirOeoiga 

the conquered territories to Sindia and the Bhonsla, " 
but he gave back the Indore principality to Holkar, 
together with the captured fortresses. Worst of all, 
he annulled most of the protective treaties with the 
Rajput princes on the ground that they had deserted 
the British government during Monson's retreat from 
Jaswant Rao Hotkar. 

For some years the policy of the British govern- Non-inter, 
ment was a half-hearted system of non-intervention. "^^ ' 
Public opinion in the British Isles, as expressed by "™**'- 
Parliament and Ministers, was impressed with the 
necessity for mmntaining friendly relations with the 
Mahrattas, and for abstaining from any measure 
which might tend to a renewal of hostilities. The 
fact was ignored that Mahratta independence meant 
plunder and devastation, and that British supremacy 
meant order and law. Accordingly the Mahratta 
princes were left to plunder and collect chout in 
Rajputana, and practically to moke war on each 
other, so long as they rettpected the territories of the 
British government and its allies. The result was 
that the Peishwa was brooding over his lost suze- 
rainty ; Sindia and the Bhonsla were mourning over 
their lost territories ; and Jaswant Rao Holkar was 
drowning his intellects in cherry brandy, which he 
procured from Bombay, until he was seized with 
delirium tremens, and confined as a madman. All 
this while an under-current of intrigue was at work 
between Indian courts, which served in the end to re- 
vive wild hopes of getting rid of British supremacy, 
and rekindling the old aspirations for war and rapine. 


100 India under British Rcle. 

CHAP, III. § 7. In 1806 the peace of India was broken by an 
Sapoy alarm from a very different quarter. In those days 
Veiiore, India waa ao remote from the British Isles that the 
^*"'' existence of the British government mainly depended 
on the loyalty of its sepoy armies. Suddenly it was 
discovered that the Madras army was on the brink 
of mutiny. The British authorities at Madras had 
introduced an obnoxious head-dress resembling a 
European hat, in the place of the old time-honoured 
turban, and had, moreover, forbidden the sepoys to 
appear on parade with earrings and caste marks. 
India was astounded by a revolt of the Madras sepoys 
at the fortress of Vellore, about eight miles to the 
westward of Arcot. The fallen families of Hyder 
and Tippu were lodged in this fortress, and many 
of Tippu's old soldiers were serving in the garrison ; 
and these people taunted the sepoys about wearing 
hats and becoming Christiana, whilst some secret 
intriguing was going on for restoring Mohammedan 
ascendency in Southern India, under the deposed 
dynasty of Mysore. 
Bianghtar The garrison at Vellore consisted of about four 
offioMB. hundred Europeans and fifteen hundred sepoys. At 
midnight, without warning, the sepoys rose in mutiny. 
One body fired on the European barracks until half 
the soldiers were killed or wounded. Another body 
fired on the houses of the British officers, and shot 
them down as they rushed out to know the cause of 
the uproar. All this while provisions were distributed 
amongst the sepoys by the Mysore princes, and the 
flag of Mysore was hoisted over the fortress. 

Fortunately the news was carried to Arcot, where 
Colonel Gillespie commanded a British garrison. 
Gillespie at once galloped to Vellore with a troop 


Imperial Govebnment. 101 

of British dragoons and two field guns. The gates chap, m, 
of Vellore were blown open ; the soldiers rushed in ; Snppre*- 
four hundred mutineers were cut down, and the out- mntiny! 
break was over. The Home authorities wanted a BenUnck. 
scapegoat ; and Lord William Bentinck, the governor 
of Madras, and Sir John Craddock, the commander- 
in-chief of the Madras army, were recalled. Fifty 
years afterwards, when the Bengal army broke out in 
mutiny on the score of greased cartridges, many an 
old oflScer wished that a Gillespie, with the inde- 
pendent authority of a Gillespie, had been in command 
at Barrackpore. 

§8. In 1807 Lord Minto succeeded Barlow as Lorf 
Governor-General. He broke the spell of non- leowa : 
intervention. South of the river Jumna, between JjJ,^^ 
the frontiers of Bengal and those of Sindia and^^^^^'" 
Holkar, are the hills and jungles of Bundelkund. 
For centuries the chiefs of Bundelkund had never 
been more than half conquered. They never paid 
tribute to Mogul or Mahratta unless compelled by 
force of arms; and they kept the country in con- 
stant anarchy by their lawless acts and endless 

When the Peishwa accepted the British alliance, he Bntiih 
ceded Bundelkund for the maintenance of the Poona "^"^ 
Subsidiary Force. Of course the cession was a sham. 
The Peishwa ceded territory which only nominally 
belonged to him, and the British were too happy in 
concluding a subsidiary alliance to inquire too nicely 
into his sovereign rights over Bundelkund. The 
result was that the chiefs of Bundelkund defied 
the British as they defied the Peishwa, and Sir 
George Barlow sacrificed revenue and ignored 


102 India undek British Rule. 

oHjp. III. brigandage rather than interfere with his western 
neighboura. Lord Minto found that there were a 
hundred and fifty leaders of banditti in Bundel- 
kund, who held as many fortresses, settled all 
disputes by the sword, and offered an asylum to 
all the bandits and burglars that escaped from British 
territory. Lord Minto organised an expedition which 
established for a while something like peace and order 
in Bundelkund, and secured the collection of tribute 
with a regularity which had been unknown for 
Daoffera Lord Minto's main work was to keep Napoleon 
]^ab. and the French out of India. The north-weat frontier 
was still vulnerable, but the Afghans had retired from 
the Punjab, and the once famous Runjeet Singh had 
founded a Sikh kingdom between the Indus and the 
Sutlej. As far as the BritiBh were concerned, the 
Sikhs formed a barrier against the Afghans ; and 
Runjeet Singh was apparently friendly, for he had 
refused to shelter Jaswant Bao Holkax in hia flight 
from Lord Lake. But there was no knowing what 
Runjeet Singh might do if the French found their 
way to Lahore. To crown the perplexity, the Sikh 
princes on the British side of the river Sutlej, who 
had done homage to the British government during 
the campaigns of Lord Lake, were being conquered 
by Bunjeet Singh, and were appealing to the British 
government for protection. 
Mwsion to In 1808-9 a young Bengal civilian, named Charles 
8^" Metcalfe, was sent on a mission to Lahore. The work 
1808— B. jjefoj-e him was difficult and complicated, and some- 
what trying to the nerves. The object was to secure 
Runjeet Singh as a useful ally against the French and 
Afghana, whilst protecting the Sikh states on the 


Ihpeeial Goyernhbnt. 103 

BritiBh side of the Stitlej, namely, Jhind, Nabha, ohap. lu. 
and Patiala. 

Runjeet Singh was naturally disgusted at being 
checked by British interference. It was unfair, he 
said, for the British to wait until he had conquered the 
three states, and then to demand possession. Metcalfe 
cleverly dropped the question of justice, and appealed 
to Runjeet Singh's self-interest. By giving up the 
three states, Bunjeet Singh would secure an alliance 
with the British, a strong frontier on the Sutlej, and 
freedom to push his conquests on the north and west. 
Runjeet Singh took the hint. He withdrew his pre- 
tensions from the British side of the Sutlej, and 
professed a friendship which remained unbroken until 
his death in 1839 ; but he knew what he was about. 
He conquered Cashmere on the north, and he wrested 
Peshawar from the Afghans ; but he refused to open 
his dominions to British trade, and he was jealous to 
the last of any attempt to enter his territories. 

About the same time Lord Minto sent John Mal- 

Elphinstone on a mission to Cabul to provide against ^ *"' 
French invasion. Neither mission was followed by 
any practical result, but they opened up new countries 
to European ideas, and led to the publication of works 
on Persia and Afghanistan by the respective envoys, 
which have retained their interest to this day. 

Meanwhile the war against France and Napoleon Ciptnre of 
had extended to eastern waters. The island of the "d"jM^ 
Mauritius had become a French dep&t for frigates and 
privateers, which swept the seas from Madagascar to 
Java, until the East India Company reckoned ita losses 
by miUions, and private traders were brought to the 
brink of ruin. Lord Minto sent one expedition, which 


104 India undee British Rule. 

cmj-m- wrested the Mauritius firom the French ; and he con- 
ducted another expedition in person, which wrested 
the island of Java from the Dutch, who at that time 
were the allies of France. The Mauritius has re- 
mained a British possession until this day, but Java 
was restored to Holland at the conclusion of the war. 

AMTchyin §9. During the struggle against France diflSculties 
"" were arising in Western Hindustan. The princes of 
Eajputana had been engaged in wars and feuds 
amongst themselves from a remote antiquity, but for 
nearly a century they had been also exposed to the 
raids and depredations of Mahratta armies. Lord 
Wellesley had brought the Rajput princes into subsi- 
diary alliance with the British government, but the 
treaties had been annulled by Sir George Barlow, and 
war and pUlage were as rampant as ever. The evil 
had been aggravated by the rise of Afghan adven- 
turers, who had conquered territories and founded 
new kingdoms in central India amidst the prevailing 
anarchy ; whilst a low class of freebooters, known as 
Pindhariea, plundered the villagers in the skirts of 
the Mahratta armies, or robbed and pillaged the 
surrounding territories, with a savage ferocity which 
rendered them a pest and terror. 
TheBma. The hereditary suzerain of the Rajputs was a 
aiwel^n. pnnce known aa the Rana of Oodeypore. The Rana 
claimed descent from Rama, the hero of ancient 
Oudh, and incarnation of Vishnu or the Sun, whose 
mythical and divine glory is celebrated in the Ram- 
ayana. Unfortunately the living Rana was a weak 
and helpless prince, who was the dependent of his 
own feudatories, whilst his territories were at the 
mercy of Mahrattas and Afghans. He had a 


Impeeial Government. 105 

daughter who was regarded as a prize and treasure, chap. hi. 
not on account of her beauty or accomplishments, 
for ahe was only an immature girl, but because her 
high birth would ennoble her bridegroom and her 
future sons or daughters. 

From 1806 to 1810 the Rajaa of Jeypore and w«rfor 
Jodhpore were fighting for the hand of this daughter d^ughtar.' 
of the Rana. The girl herself had no voice in the 
matter. In Bajput traditions a princess is supposed 
to choose her own bridegroom in an assembly of Rajas, 
by throwing a garland round the neck of the happy 
lover. But in modem practice the " choice " has fallen 
into disuse, and a gilded cocoa-nut is sent by the father 
of the princess to some selected Baja astj^icalof an 
offer of her hand. The cocoa-nut for the Oodeypore 
princess had been sent to a Raja of Jodhpore, but he 
died before the marriage, and the cocoa-nut waa sent 
to the Raja of Jeypore. Then followed a contention. 
The new Raja of Jodhpore claimed the princess, on 
the ground that the offer had been made, not to the 
individual, but to the throne of Jodhpore. The Raja 
of Jeypore, however, had accepted the cocoa-nut, and 
insisted on his rights. The contention became a war 
to the knife, and nearly every prince in Rajputana 
took a part in the contest. Strange to say, the Rana 
himself, the father of the princess, looked on as a 
neutral whilst Jeypore and Jodhpore were fighting 
for his daughter. Meanwhile his territories, known 
as the garden of Rajputana, were ravaged by Sindia 
and an Afghan adventurer named Amir Khan, until 
nothing was to be seen but ruined harvests and 
desolated villages. 

Amidst this terrible turmoil, the princes and chiefs 
of Rajputana implored the British government to 


106 India dndee Bbitish Rule. 

cHAPju. interfere. They asserted that there always had been 
Non-mt«r- a paramount power in India ; that such a power 
had been formerly exercised by the Great Mogul ; 
that the East India Company had acquired that 
power ; and that the British government was bound 
to stop the war. The Rana of Oodeypore offered 
to cede half his territories if the British govern- 
ment would protect the other half. Jeypore and 
Jodhpore offered to submit their claims to British 
arbitration, and pledged themselves to abide by 
the decision. Lord Minto had only to declare which 
bridegroom he recognised, and his dictum would have 
been accepted. But Lord Minto shrunk from the 
exercise of a sovereignty which would have been a 
violation of the sacred dogma of non-interference, 
and have carried British influence outside British 
territoriea Accordingly, the war was stopped by a 
tragedy. The Rana settled the marriage dispute by 
poisoning his daughter. The young princess is said 
to have drunk the fatal draught with the courage 
of a heroine, knowing that it would save her father ; 
but the unhappy mother was overpowered by grief, 
and died broken-hearted. 
Ohorks Meanwhile war clouds were gathering on the 
rf^rpaL southern slopes of the Himalayas. Down to the middle 
of the eighteenth century, the territory of Nipal had 
been peopled by a peaceful and industrious race of 
Buddhists known as Newars, but about the year 1767, 
when the British had taken over the Bengal provinces, 
the Newars were conquered by a Rajput tribe from 
Cashmere, known as Ghorkas. The Ghorka conquest 
of Nipal was as complete as the Norman conquest of 
England, The Ghorkas establiahed a military des- 
potism with Brahmanical institutions, and parcelled 


Imperial Govebnmbht. 107 

out the country amongst feudal nobles known aa chap. m. 

Ghorka rule in Nipal was for many yeara distracted Ohorka 
by tragedies in the royal family, and civil wars between 
the Bharadars for the post of minister. The Newara 
were more down-trodden than the Anglo-Saxons under 
the Norman kings. The Ghorka army was all-powerful, 
but plots and assassinations were common enough in 
the court and capital at Khatmandu, and the deposi- 
tion of a minister or a sovereign might be the work of 
a day. 

During the early years of the nineteenth century Qhorfai 
the Ghorkafl began to encroach on British territory ^f" 
annexing villages and revenues from Darjeeling to 
Simla without right or reason. They were obviously 
beut on extending their dominion southward to the 
Gauges, and for a long time aggressions' were over- 
looked for the sake of peace. At last two districts 
were appropriated to which the Ghorkas had not a 
shadow of a claim, and it was absolutely necessary to 
make a stand against their pretensions. Accordingly, 
Lord Minto sent an oltimatum to Khatmandu, 
declaring that unless the districts were restored they 
would be recovered by force of anna Before the 
answer arrived. Lord Minto was succeeded in the post 
of Governor-General by Lord Moira, better known by 
his later title of Marquis of Hastings. 

§10. Lord Moira landed at Calcutta in 1813. Lord 
Shortly after his arrival an answer was received from Mu^'Slf 
the Ghorka government, that the disputed districts ^^j^^ 
belonged to Nipal, and would not be surrendered. 
Lord Moira at once fixed a day on which the districts 
were to be restored ; and when the day had passed 


108 Indta undeh British Kdle. 

CRAP. in. \intliout any action being taken by the Ghorkas, a 
British detachment entered the districta and set up 
police stations. 
Ghorkm Meanwhile the Ghorkas had been alarmed by the 
of war. letter of Lord Moira. A great council of Bharadara 
was summoned to Khatmandu, and the question of 
peace or war was discussed in a military spirit. It was 
decided that, as the British had been unable to capture 
the mud fortress of Bhurtpore, which was the work of 
men's hands, they could not possibly capture the 
mountain fortresses on the Himalayas, which were 
the work of the Almighty. Accordingly, the council 
of Bharadars resolved on war, but they did not declare 
it in European fashion. A Ghorka army suddenly 
entered the disputed districts, surrounded the police 
stations, and murdered many of the constables, and 
then returned to Khatmandu to await the action of 
the British government in the way of reprisals. 
GhMkaa The war against the Ghorkas was more remote and 
HahnMu. more serious than the wars against the Mahrattas. 
The Mahrattas fought in the plains, and trusted in 
their artillery ; but when their gunners were shot or 
bayoneted, as in the battle of Assaye, they seemed 
to have lost all life and energy, and were broken up 
into loose bodies of runaways. The Ghorkas, on the 
other hand were resolute and hardy mountaineers, 
with a Eajput pride, and military instincts like the 
ancient Spartans. Their nerves had not been en- 
feebled by opium, and they exulted in the strength 
of their mountain fortresses, which they deemed 
impregnable against all the world. 
Difficult Those who have ascended the Himalayas to Dar- 
o?Nipd. jeeling or Simla may realise something of the 
difficulties of an invasion of Nipal. The British army 


Imperial Goverkmekt. 

advanced ia four divisions by four different routes. 
They had first to make their way through a belt of 
marsh and jungle at the foot of the mountains. They 
had then to climb precipices and shelves which would 
have daunted the army of HannibaL Moreover, it 
was impossible to storm the fortresses without artillery ; 
and dragging up eighteen- pounders in the teeth of 
enow-atorms and mountain blasts, opening up roads 
by blasting rocks, and battering down obstructions 
with field guns, were tasks which would have tested 
the genius of the ablest commandera 

The operations of 1814 nearly proved a failure. 
One general took fright at the jungle, and galloped "'^™' 
back to the plains, leaving his division behind. General ^8^*— ^f- 
David Ochterlony, who advanced his division along 
the valley of the Sutlej, gained the most brilliant 
successes. He was one of the half-forgotten heroes 
of the East India Company. He had fought against 
Hyder Ali in the days of Warren Hastings, and beaten 
back Holkar from the walls of Delhi in the days of 
Lord Wellesley. For five months in the worst season 
of the year he carried one fortress after another, until 
the enemy made a final stand at Maloun on a shelf of 
the Himalayas. The Ghorkas made a desperate attack 
on the British works, but the attempt foiled ; and 
when the British batteries were about to open fire, 
the Ghorka garrison came to terms, and were permitted 
to march out with the honours of war. 

The fall of Maloun shook the faith of the Ghorka Pf«M with 
government in their heaven-built fortressea Com- ibis.' 
missioners were sent to conclude a peace. Nipal 
agreed to cede Kumaon in the west, and the southern 
belt of forest and jungle known as the Terai. It 
also agreed to receive a British Resident at Khatmandu- 


110 India ukdeb BiUTiaH Rule. 

oHAF^ni. Lord Moira had actuiJly aigaed the treaty, when the 
Ghorkas raised the question of whether the Terai 
included the forest or only the swamp. War waa 
renewed. Ochterlony advanced an army within fifty 
miles of Khatmandu, and then the Ghorkas concluded 
the treaty, and the British army withdrew from Nipal. 
The Terai, however, waa a bone of contention for many 
years afterwards. Nothing was said about a aubaidiary 
army, and to thia day Nipal is outside the pale of 
subsidiary alliances]; but Nipal is bound over not to 
take any European into her service without the 
consent of the British government. 

impertoi §11- Lord Moira, now Marquis of Hastings, next 
Lead turned his attention to the a£fairB ofMalwa, the homes 

^"^^^ of Sindia and Holkar, between Bundelkund and 
Kajputana. Before leaving the British Isles, he had 
a strong sense of the danger of. Lord Wellesley's 
policy, and a strong faith in the wisdom of non-inter- 
vention. But a brief experience of the actual condition 
of India compelled him to recant. The hordes of 
Pindharies were swelling into armies. They ravaged 
the territories of British allies, and threatened those 
under British rule. Lord Hastings declared that 
Britiah power would never prosper in India until it 
assumed the headship of a league like that projected 
by Lord Wellesley. But the Home authorities were 
still afraid of the Mahrattas, and Lord Haatings was 
told that no league was to be formed in India, and no 
steps taken against the Pindharies, that were likely to 
be in any way offensive to the Mahrattas. 

Hndhari 1*1 1815-16, the last year of the Ghorka war, the 

"*^ Pindharies extended their raids to British territory. 

The horrors committed by these miscreants are 


Imperial Government. Ill 

indescribable. Villages were environed by Pindharies, chap. hi. 
and the inhabitants robbed and tortured. Fathers "" 
piled firewood round their dwellings, and perished in 
the flames with their wives and families, rather than 
fall into the hands of Findharies; whilst in some 
villages, the whole female population threw themselves 
into wells to escape a worse fate. George Canning 
described Pindhari atrocities in a speech which aroused 
parliament to a sens© of its duties and responsibilities ; 
and it was resolved to make war on Sindia, Holkar, 
or any other power in India, which should attempt to 
shield the Pindharies &om the just resentment of the 
British nation. 

Meanwhile the Mahratta princes had become unruly DiMffee- 
and disorganised. Lord Wellesley had bound them M«i^tt«M 
to the British government by subsidiary alliances; 
but these ties had been loosened by his succeBsora, 
excepting in the case of the Peishwa. Accordingly 
the Mahratta princes were smitten by a common 
desire to throw off British supremacy, and return to 
their old life of war and plunder. The Peishwa was 
labouring to recover his lost suzerainty, with the help 
of Sindia, Holkar, Nagpore, and the leaders of the 
Pindharies. Sindia was more amenable to British 
authority, and would have been guided by the advice 
of the British Resident at his court, but, under the 
poHey of non-intervention, the Resident had been told 
to confine his attention to British interests, and not to 
interfere with Sindia. The result was that Sindia 
was secretly negotiating with the Peishwa, the 
Ghorkas, and even with Runjeet Singh of the Punjab, 
for joint attacks on the British government. Holkar 
had died of cherry brandy ; the army of Indore was in 
mutiny for arrears of pay, and its leaders were in 


112 India under British Rule. 

CHAP. III. secret communication with the Peishwa ; whilst an 
infant Holkar and his regent mother had shut them- 
aelvea up in a remote fortress as a refuge gainst 
the disaffected soldiery. Amir Khan the Afghan, 
the most powerful prince of the period, had estab- 
lished a principality at Tonk, in Bajputana, and com- 
manded a large army of drilled battalions, aud a 
formidable train of artillery. 
Con- Lord Hastings wanted to crush the PindharieSj but 
ofX7 to avoid all collision with the Mahrattas. The 
"*■ Peishwa, however, seemed bent on provoking British 
interference, A Brahman envoy, from the Gaekwar 
of Baroda, had been sent to Poona, under a British 
guarantee, to settle some obsolete dispute about 
chout, and, in spite of the guarantee, the Brahman 
had been barbarously murdered, under the orders of 
the Peishwa and his minister. Lord Hastings accepted 
the explanation of the Peishwa that he was innocent 
of the murder, but ordered the Mahratta minister to 
be imprisoned in the fortress of Thanna, near Bombay. 
Later on the minister escaped from the fortress with 
the connivance of the Peishwa, and was secretly pro- 
tected by the Peishwa, and it seemed impossible to 
condone the offence. 
Eiphin- At this crisis Mr. Mountstuart Elphinstone, one of 
i^j^in,. the ablest of the old Bengal civilians, waa Resident at 
Poona ; whilst Sir John Malcolm, of the Madras 
army, was negotiating with the Mahratta princes 
for their co-operation in the war against the Pind- 
hariea. Elphinstone found that the Peishwa was 
secretly intriguing with his exiled minister, and 
levying troops to an extent that meant mischief. 
Accordingly he threatened the Peishwa with the dis- 
pleasure of the British government, and required him 


Impebial Government. 113 

to deliver up three important fortresses as a pledge chap. m. 
for his future good behaviour. The Peishwa the 
artfully invited Sir John Malcolm to come and sec 
him, and so talked him over that Malcolm believed in 
his good faith, and advised that the fortresses should 
be given back. Elphinstone had no such confidence in 
the Peishwa ; nevertheless he restored the fortresses, 
as he would not throw cold water on Malcolm's good 

By this time Lord Hastings had planned hia cam- Hndhnri 
paign against the Pindharies. The British force was M^tia 
overwhelming, for it was known that the three pre- '''"*'■ 
datory powers — Sindia, Holkar, and Amir Khan — 
were bent on sheltering the Pindharies by enlisting 
them as soldiers or hiding them in the jungles until 
the danger had passed away. They had no concep- 
tion of the scale on which Lord Hastings had planned 
his campaign. They knew that a force was advancing 
from the south, and that it would probably comprise 
an army from Madras, the Hyderabad Subsidiary 
Force, and the Poona Subsidiary Force ; but they 
fondly imagined that, if the Pindharies were kept out 
of the way, the British forces would soon return to 
cantonments, and that the Pindharies would then 
revenge the attack on their homes by fresh raids on 
British territories. 

Lord Hastings, however, was bent on disarming Moriifica- 
Sindia, Holkar, and Amir Khan before exterminating ^nduf 
the Findhari gangs, and thus guarding against the 
possible revival of the gangs after the conclusion of 
the war. Daulat Rao Sindia was suddenly asked to 
give a friendly reception to the Madras army coming 
from the south. He hesitated, vacillated, and askeil 
for time to consider the proposition. He was told 


114 India usder British Rule. 

;nAi-. III. that coDsidc ration was out of the question; that he 
was pledged to co-operate with the British forces 
against the Pindhariea ; that a large Bengal army 
was advancing from the nortli over the river Jumna, 
under the direct orders of Lord Hastings in person ; 
and that the Pindharies would be environed and 
exterminated by the two armies. Sindia was utterly 
taken by surprise. He knew that it would be sheer 
madness to fight against the Governor-General, He 
liastened to receive the Madras army, and was lavish 
in his professions of loyalty. He was then charged 
with having violated treaties by carrying on secret 
negotiations with Nipal and Runjeet Singh. He 
solemnly protested his innocence, but two of his 
messengers to Nipal had been arrested on the way, 
and his own letters addressed to the Ghorka govern- 
ment were placed in his hands in open durbar by the 
British Resident, who simply stated what they were. 
The letters in question were damnatory. Sindia had 
proposed that Ghorkas and Mahrattas should join in 
a common attack on the British government. 
Sindia Sindia bent to his destiny. He saw that he was 
checkmated at every turn. He was dumbfoundered, 
and made no attempt to defend himself. Nothing 
further was done. Lord Hastings left him in posses- 
sion of his territories, but took the Rajput princes 
under British protection, and bound over Sindia to 
co-operate against the Pindliaries, and to prevent the 
formation of any gangs for the future. 
Amir Amir Khan was growing old, and was glad to make 
■uWiti. '"^^y l^niis whi<;h would leave him in possession of hie 
principality. He disbanded his battalions and acid 
his cannon to the British government, on condition of 
being re<'ognised as hereditary ruler of Tonk. No 


Imperial Government. 115 

cause for uneasinese remained, excepting tlie dis- chap. m. 
affected Peishwa of Poona, the mutinous army of 
Holkax, and some suspicious movements on the part 
of the Bhonsla Kaja of Nagpore. 

When the rains were over the British armies be- Degtmc- 
gan to move. There were 120,000 troops under ^^biri^ 
arms, the largest force that had ever taken the field in 
India under British colours ; twice as many as Lord 
Wellealey assembled in 1803-4, and four times as 
many as Lord Cornwallis led against Tippu in 1791- 
92. The Pindharies found themselves abandoned by 
Sindia and Amir Khan, and environed by the armies 
from Bengal and Madras. Many were shot down, 
or put to the sword, or perished in the jungle, or 
were slain by villagers in revenge for former cruel- 
ties. Others threw themselves on British protection, 
and were settled on lands, and became peaceful 
and industrious cultivators. Within a. few years 
no traces of the Pindhari gangs were to be found 
in India. 

All this while the Peiahwa waa at Poona, bent on Hostility 
miachiefi He resumed his levy of troops and his ptuhin. 
secret intrigues with other princes. The Poona Sub- 
sidiary Force waa called away to the northward to 
co-operate against the Pindharies, but Mr. Elphin- 
stone obtained a European regiment from Bombay, 
and posted it at Khirki, about four miles irom 
the British Residency. 

The Peiahwa was baffled by the European regiment TrMchery, 
He affected to regard it as a menace, and threatened nLht 
to leave Poona unless it waa sent back to Bombay, 
but he was quieted by its removal to Khirki. He 
waa relying on the support of Sindia and Amir Khan, 
and was assured that the Bhonsla Raja of Nagpore 
I 2 


116 ■ India under British Rple. 

CHAP. HI. and the army of Holkar were preparing to join him. 
On the 5th November, 1817, Mr. Elphinstone left 
the British Residency at Poona, and followed the 
European regiment to Rhirki. That same afternoon 
the Peiahwa attacked the British force at Khirki 
with an army of 26,000 men, but waa beaten back 
with heavy losses. At night the British Residency 
was plundered and set on fire, and the magnificent 
library of Mr. Elphinstone was utterly destroyed. 
Twelve days afterwards the Subsidiary Force returned 
to Poona, and the Peishwa was seized with a panic 
and fled away from his dominions, never to return. 
piottiiigs The next explosion was at Nagpore. The Bhonsla 
Nttgpcre. Raja, who fled from Assaye, was dead, and a nephew 
named Appa Sahib had succeeded to the throne. 
Appa Sahib tried to ingratiate himself with the 
British, but was playing the same double game as 
Sindia and the Peishwa. Mr. Jenkins was Resident 
at Nagpore, and when news arrived of the attack 
on Khirki, Appa Sahib expatiated to him on the 
treachery of the Peishwa and his own loyalty. All 
this while, however, he was in secret correspondence 
with the Peishwa, and levying troops for the coining 
war against the British, 
British The British Residency was separated from the city 
•"uSr' of Nagpore by the Sitabuldi hilL On the 25th of 
November, 1817, eight days after the flight of the 
Peishwa, all communication with the Residency was 
stopped by Appa Sahib, and the Raja and his minis- 
ters were sending their families and valuables out of 
the city of Nagpore. Mr. Jenkins foresaw an outbreak, 
and ordered the Nagpore Subsidiary Force to occupy 
Sitabuldi hiU. There was no European regiment 
as at Khirki, and only 1,400 sepoys fit for duty. 


Imperial Govebkment. 117 

including three troops of Bengal cavalry, and there chap. m. 
were only four six-pounders. 

At evening, 26th December, 1817, Appa Sahib Tiottoy on 
advanced against the hill Sitabuldi with an army of hiu. 
18,000 men, including 4,000 Arabs and thirty-six 
guns. The battle lasted from six o'clock in the 
evening until noon the next day. The British force 
was literally overwhelmed by the enemy. The Arabs 
were closing round the Residency, when Captain 
Fitzgerald charged them with the three troops of 
Bengal cavalry. The sudden attack surprised and 
bewildered the Arabs. The British sepoya on the 
hill saw the confusion, and rushed down the slope 
and drove the Arabs before them like sheep. The 
memory of this victory has been preserved down to 
our own time. The hill Sitabuldi is a monument to 
the loyalty and valour of the Bengal cavalry. Every 
visitor to Nagpore makes a pilgrimage to Sitabuldi to 
behold the scene of one of the most glorious triumphs 
of the old sepoy army in India. Appa Sahib fled 
from Nagpore, but Lord Hastings refused to annex 
the principality ; and an infant grandson of the pre- 
decessor of Appa Sahib was placed upon the throne, 
under the guardianship of Mr. Jenkins. 

On the 21st December, five days before the battle Defe«tof 
of Sitabuldi, the army of Holkar had been de- ^%" 
feated by Sir John Malcolm at Mehidpore. Holkar'3*'**'''*P°"- 
soldiers had received their arrears of pay from tlie 
Peishwa, and declared for the Peishwa. Malcolm ap- 
proached them with the Madras army, and they mur- 
dered the regent mother on suspicion of negotiating 
with the British, and began the battle of Mehidpore 
by plundering the British baggage. Holkar's army 
was defeated ; the principality of Indore was placed 


118 India under British Rule. 

CHAP. Ill at the disposal of Lord Hastings. The infant Raja 
was left on the throne, and Holkar's state was brought 
into subsidiary alliance with the British government, 
and required to cede territory for the maintenance 
of a subsidiary army. 

Peiehwa Nothing remained to complete the pacification of 
India but the capture of the Peishwa. He had fled 
southward to Satara, to strengthen his cause by re- 
leasing the captive Raja and setting up the old 
standai-d of Sivaji. But British prestige had been 
eifectually restored by Lord Hastings, and the restless 
movements of the Peishwa were little more than 
feverish efforts to escape from his British pursuers. 

Glorious One glorious battle was fought on New Year's Day, 

KorygttuiD.1818, a victory of Bombay sepoys which is celebrated 
in Decean songs of triumph to this day. A detach- 
ment of 800 Bombay sepoys was drawn up at the 
village of Korygaum, on the bank of the river Bhima, 
near Satara, under the command of Captain Staunton. 
On the opposite bank was the army of the Peiahwa, 
numbering 25,000 horse and 6,000 Arab infantry. 
Staunton had but ten British officers and twenty-four 
British gunners with two six -pounders. Staunton oc- 
cupied the village, but was environed by the Peiahwa's 
army, and cut otf from all supplies and water. The 
Mahrattas were mad to capture the village. Three 
times they tried to storm it with rockets, but were 
beaten back by sheer pluck and desperation. Raging 
with hunger and thirst, Bombay sepoys and British 
officers and gunners fought like heroes, whilst the 
Peishwa looked on in anger and despair from a neigh- 
bouring hiU. Staiinton lost a third of his sepoys and 
eight out of his ten officers, but the Mahrattas left 
six hundred kUlod ami wounded on the field. Next 


Imperial Goveenmekt. 1 1 1) 

morning the Mahrattas refused to renew the fight, chap, hl 
and the army of the Peishwa moved away. 

Such a humihation must have taken away all hope E»tincHon 
from the Peishwa. For six montha longer he kept Peiahn'a, 
out of the reach of his pursuers, but was at last *^^^ 
environed by British troops under Sir John Malcolm. 
He threw himself on the merty of the British govern- 
ment, and eventually talked over Sir John Malcolm, 
as he had done a year or two previously in the 
matter of the three fortresses. From feelings of pity 
for an Asiatic prince who had ruined himself by his 
own treachery, Malcolm gave Lis personal guarantee 
that the British government would pay a pension to 
the conquered Peishwa of 80,000/. a year. Lord 
Hastiugs was extremely angry at such a charge upon 
the yearly revenue, but would not withhold his 
sanction to Malcolm's guarantee.' Since then there 
haa been no Peishwa of the Mahrattas. The ex-ruler 
lived in idle luxury near Cawnpore, whilst his domi- 
nions were incorporated with the Bombay Presidency. 
A futile attempt was made by Lord Hastings to 
revive the extinct Raja of Satara, but in the course of 
years the Raja was intriguing like the Peishwa, and 
the principality was eventually annexed by Lord 

* The ex-Feishwa was bom in 1775, when Warren Hastiugs 
and Philip Francis were beginaiDg to quarrel at Calcutta. He 
ascended the throne of Poona in 1795. He concluded the treaty 
of Basaein with Lord Wellealey in 1802. He was dethroned in 
1818. He lived st Bithoor, nea^ Cawnpore, until he died, an old 
man of seventj-Beven, in 1863. After his death the notorious 
Kana Sahib claimed to be an adopted son, and demanded a 
continuation of the pension of 80,000i. The story will be found 
in Chapter VI., of the present volume, in connection with the 
e at Cawnpore during the gepoy mutinies of 1657. 


120 India under British Rule. 

tHAP. 111. The crowning event in the administration of Lord 

Patifica- Hastings was the renewal of protective treaties with 

proteotion the princes of Rajputana. The raids of the Mahrattae, 

Knjputona, which had been the curse and agony of Rajputana for 

^*^** ncai'ly a century, were stopped for ever. The territory 

of Ajmere, in the heart of Rajputana, which had been 

successively the head-quarters of Mogul and Mahratta 

suzerainty, was taken over by the British governmout, 

and is to this day the head-quarters of the Agent to 

tlie Viceroy for the states of Rajputana, and a centre 

of British supremacy and paramount power. 

Lord § 12. Lord Amherst succeeded Lord Hastings as 
isaa-^s: Governor- General in 1823. The wars of 1817-18 had 
of^B™L established the peace of India, by breaking up the 
predatory system which had been a terror to Hindus 
and Mohammedans for more than a century. But 
the king of Burma, to the eastward of Bengal, was 
causing some anxiety by demanding the surrender of 
political fugitives from his dominions who had taken 
refuge in British territory. The British government 
refused compliance. Had the refugees been given up, 
tliey would have been crucified, or otherwise tortured 
to death by the Bnrmese officials. Common humanity 
forbade the concession, so the refugees were required 
to keep the peace within British territory, and to 
abstain from all plots or hostile movements against 
the Burmese government. 
nurmese For years the Burmese officials tried to bully the 
"h?^* British government into surrendering these refugees. 
They knew nothing of the outer world, and treated 
the British with contempt as a nation of traders, who 
had paid the Indian sepoys to fight t^eir battles. 
Conciliation only provoked them to insolence and 


Imperial Government. 121 

aggression. They seized an island belonging to the cnAr.itt. 
British. They overran the intervening countries of 
Munipore and Assam, and demanded the cession of 
Chittagong. Finally, they invaded British territory 
and cut off a detachment of sepoys, and threatened, 
with all the bombast of barbarians, to conquer Bengal, 
and bring away the Governor- General in golden 

At last Lord Amherst sent an expedition under £ip«d[- 
Sir Archibald Campbell to the port of Rangoon, the E«n^n, 
capital of the Burmese province of Pegu. The Bur- ■"'^^ 
mese officials were taken by surprise. They sent 
a mob of raw levies to prevent the British from 
landing, but the impromptu army lied at the first 
discharge of British guns. The British landed, and 
found that all the men, women, and children 
of Rangoon had fled to the jungle, with all their 
provisions and grain. The British occupied Ran- 
goon, but the country round about was forest and 
swamp. The rains began, and the troops wore struck 
down with fever, dysentery, and bad food. No 
supplies could be obtained except by sea from Madras 
or Calcutta. Nearly every European in Rangoon who 
survived the rains of 1824 had reason to remember 
the Burmese seaport to the end of his days. 

When the rains were over a Burmese general of Britub 
great renown approached Rangoon with an army of* ™^ " 
60,000 brtives, and environed the place with stockades. 
There was some severe fighting at these stock- peac*. 
ades, but at last they were taken by storm, and the 
braves fled in a panic. The British expedition 
advanced up the river Irrawaddy, through the valley 
of Pegu. The people of Pegu, who had been con- 
quered by the king of Burma some sixty years before, 


122 India under Beitish Rule. 

CHAP. iiL rejoiced at being delivered from their Burmese op- 
pressors, and eagerly brought in supplies. The British 
expedition was approaching Ava, the capital of the 
kingdom, when the king of Burma came to terms, 
and agreed to pay a million sterHng towards the 
expenses of a war which cost more than ten millions. 
The British were content with annexing two strips of 
sea-board, known as Arakan and Tenasserim, which 
never paid the cost of administration ; and left the 
valley of Pegu, and even the port of Rangoon, in 
possession of the king of Burma. But Assam and 
Cachar, between Bengal and Burma, were brought 
under British rule, and eventually made up for 
the expenditure on the war by the cultivation of 
War Meanwhile, Lord Amherst had some difficulty with 

BhSpSre. the Jhat state of Bhnrtpore in Rajputana, which had 
^^^''~^' defied Lord Lake in 1805, but had eventually been 
brought under British protection. In 1825 the Raja 
died, and the succession of an infant son was recog- 
nised by the British government. An uncle, how- 
ever, seized the throne, and shut himself up in the 
mud fortress which had resisted the assaults of Lord 
Lake. At first Lord Amherst was disinclined to 
interfere, but all the restless spirits, who had been 
reduced to obedience by the wars of 1817-18, were 
beginning to rally round the usurper, who had openly 
defied the British government. A British force was 
sent to Bhurtpore, under Lord Combermere. The 
mud walls were undermined, and blown up with gun- 
powder. The British soldiers rushed m, the usurper 
was deposed, and the young Raja was restored to 
the throne, under the protection of the paramount 


Imperial Govebkmekt. 123 

§13. Lord William Bentinck succeeded Lord Am- chap, hl 
iierafc in 1828, His admimstration waa emphatically Lord 
one of progress. He promoted English education Bentiook, 
amongat Hindus and Mohammedana, and founded a \taee .ifd 
medical college at Calcutta. He laboured hard to p^w^- 
establish steam navigation between India and Europe 
vid the Red Sea, in the place of the old sailing route 
round the Cape. He encouraged the cultivation of 
tea in Assam and Cachar. He sought to open a trade 
with Central Asia up the river Indus, but was foiled , 
by Runjeet Singh, who was still as friendly as ever, 
but resolutely bent on keeping the British out of 
his territories. 

In 1829, the year after the arrival of Lord William AboUtion 
Bentinck, he electrified India by the abolition of i82b 
suttee. In these advanced days it is difficult to un- 
derstand why British rulers did not suppress this 
hateful rite the moment they had the power. But for 
many years toleration and non-intervention were a 
kind of fanaticism with British administrators ; and 
the Bengalis appeared to exult in the performance of 
a rite which they knew to be obnoxious to Europeans. 
As a matter of fact, the number of suttees in Bengal 
appeared to increase under British rule, and this was 
most marked in the villages round Calcutta. 

The abolition of suttee by treating it as a capital B«iiefof 
crime was followed by none of the evils which had "^ "*" 
been anticipated. There waa no rising of the sepoys ; 
no discontent on the part of the masses. British rulers 
were delivered from the odium of sanctioning a bar- 
barous crime under the plea of religious toleration ; 
whilst the living widow was no longer compelled to 
immolate herself with her dead husband, nor was her 
son forced by a sense of duty (o apply the torch to 


India u.vdeb British Rule. 

. the funeral pile. The pride of Brahmans and Rajputa 
may have been wounded when all concerned in the 
performance of the ancient rite were punished by 
imprisonment or death, but humanity has triumphed, 
and suttees have vanished from British India, and from 
every state owing allegiance to British sovereignty. 

work of the time. These detestable miscreants 
appeared to the outer world as honest traders or 
agriculturists, who occasionally went on pilgrimage 
or travelled for business or pleasure. In reality they 
were organised gangs of murderers, having a dialect 
and signs of their own. They made friends with 
other travellers going the same way ; halted beneath 
the shade of trees, and suddenly threw their nooses 
round the necks of their victims, strangled them to 
■ death, rifled them of their money and goods, and 
buried them with a speed which defied detection. 
Sometimes the unwEUry traveller was beguiled by a 
lemale to a lonely spot, and was never heard of more. 
Hcraditaiy Every hoy bom of Thugs was brought up in what 
„„^ may be called the religion of the uoose. from his 
cradle he was taught that he was bound to follow the 
trade of bia forefathers ; that, like them, he was the 
blind instrument of the deity of life and death. At 
first he acted as a scout ; then he was allowed to 
handle and bury the victim ; and finally tried his 
prentice hand at strangling. Before committing hie 
first murder, one of the elders acted as his Guru or 
spiritual guide, and initiated him in the use of the 
noose as a solemn rite associated with the worship of 
the goddess Durga, Bowani, or Kali, the mythical 
bride of Siva, the incarnation of the mysteries of life 


Impebial Government. 125 

and dissolution, who is often represented with a noose cbap. m. 
in her hand.^ Throughout his after career he adored 
the goddess as a tutelar deity; worshipped her in 
temples where Thugs officiated as priests ; and pro- 
pitiated her with oflFerings of flesh meat and strong 
drinks, which were supposed to be most acceptable to 
female divinity. 

The Hindus were too fearful and superstitious Snppni- 
to suppress the Thugs. The Moguls had no such 
scruples, and often condemned Thugs to a cruel 
death ; but wealthy Hindus would offer large ransoms 
to save their lives, or would follow the miscreants to 
the place of execution and regale them with sweet- 
meats and tobacco. When, however, the British 
discovered the secret organisation, they resolved to 
break up the gangs and put an end to the hereditary 
association. A department was organised for the 
suppression of Thugs, and chiefs and princes were 
called upon to co-operate in the work of extermination. 
Between 1830 and 1835 two thousand Thugs were 
arrestetl, and 6fteen hundred were imprisoned for 
life, or transported beyond the seas, or publicly 
executed. Many saved their lives by giving evidence 
against their fellows, but were shut up for the rest of 
their days to protect them from vengeance, and to 
prevent their return to a horrible profession which 
had become an hereditary instinct in Thug families. 
To this day the children or grandchildren of the old 
Thug gangs, who were the terror of India within the 

^ Kali, the black goddera, is the tutelar deity of Calcutta. By 
a Btrajige anomaly, Calcutta is ao called after the temple Kali, at 
the Tillage of Ealighat, in the suburbs of the British metro- 
polis. The temple enclosure, where kida and goate are sacrificed, 
is not a pleasant place to look at. 


India dnder British Rule. 

. memory of living men, are manufacturing carpets, 
or working at some other useful trade, within prison 

Civil Mid § 15. Lord William Bentinek put a finishing touch 
jadidal ^^ jjjg (.jyjj ^^j judicial administration which Warren 
Hastings initiated and Lord CornwaUis reformed. 
The district was still retained as the unit of Indian 
administration, with its civil judge, and its collector 
and magistrate, and necessary establishments of 
native officials. But the civil judge was invested 
with the criminal powers of a sessions judge for the 
trial of prisoners, and henceforth known as the 
district judge. The four provincial courts of circuit 
and appeal were swept away, and the supervision of 
districts was entrusted to commissioners of divisions, 
each having five or six districts under his control. 
Henceforth the collector and magistrate was under 
the control of the commissioner, and was sometimes 
known as the deputy commissioner.* 

Lord William Bentinck also introduced an Asiatic 

* In each district there yr&s a ma^strate and collector. The 
two duties liad beea separated hj Lord Comwallis, but were 
generally united in one officer, who was the head of the district 
and representative of the British government. As magistrate 
he punished Asiatic offenders with fine and imprixoniaent, and 
committed serious cases for trial. He controlled the police, 
managed the jail, and was generally responsible for the peace 
and order of the district. As collector he received the revenues 
of the district, took charge of the treasury, and controlled the 
district expenditur& If anything went wrong in the district the 
magistrate and collector was the universal referee and centre of 

The civil judge in each district was raised to the rank of a 
eessione jndge. Be was the judicial head of the district. He 
heard appeals from all the subordinate courts, tried all important 


Imperial Government. 127 

element into British administration, which was the chap^iii. 
first real movement in that direction. He appointed Asiatjo 

II I offioia]*. 

natives of India to be " deputy collectors, and 
created a higher class of native judges to those 
appointed by Lord Comwallis. They are known in 
the present day as " subordinate judges." The further 
development of these political experiments belong to 
the later history. 

been a mere appendage of Bengal. They were Provincei. 
known as the Upper Provinces, whilst Bengal, Behar, 
and Orissa were known as the Lower Provinces. But 
a territory which extended from Assam to the 
Punjab was too vast for the supervision of the 
Governor-General of Bengal in Council. Accord- 
ingly the North-West Provinces were separated from 
Bengal and placed under a Lieutenant-Governor, 

civil cases, and held a jail delivery once a month, for the trial 
of all prisoners committed hj the magistrate and collector. 
Henceforth he vas knona as the district judge. 

Lord William Beatinck abolished the four provincial courts of 
circuit and appeal which had been cBtablished by Lord Com- 
wallis, declaring that they had become mere restiug-places for 
those civil servants who were unfit for higher duties. In their 
room he appointed commignionerB of divisions, each of whom had 
five or six distriotB under his control. Henceforth the commis- 
sioner supervised the civil and judicial administration thronghout 
the districts within his division. He was the channel of all 
commanicBtions between the Bi-itiBh government at Calcutta and 
the district officers. Sometimes he heard appeals from the civil 
and sessions judge, but as a rule such appeals went to the Sudder 
Courts at Calcutta. In revenne mattere he was controlled by 
the Board of Bevenue at Calcutta. 

The di.lriot OOOTS h.d Europe™ „i.i.„„, „ ,.11 „ 
estabhsnmentB or Asiatic officiale. 


India under British Rdle. 

[. without a Council, but with a separate Sudder Court 
and Board of Revenue.^ 

The Hindu people in the North- West Provinces 
are more masculine and independent than those of 
Bengal. In Bengal the Hindu village communities 
had nearly faded away under the domination of 
zemindars. In the North-West Provinces the village 
communities had survived every revolution, and have 
been compared to little commonwealths, each having 
an individual and domestic life of its own, un- 
changed by the storms and troubles of the outer 
world. The village community paid a yearly revenue, 
■ — a share of the crops or a commutation in money, — 
to whatever power might be uppermosf, Mogul or 
Mahratta, Mohammedan or Hindu. The members 
took a keen interest, individually and collectively, 
in settling the yearly rate to be paid by the whole 
village to the government of the day. But other- 
wise they cared not who was the reigning authority, 
Sindia or Lord Wellesley ; nor who was the French 
general of the sepoy battalions of Sindia, nor who 
was the British commander-in-chief of the armies 
of the Governor-General, 

The village community was originally a brother- 
hood, consisting of a tribe, family, or clan, who 

' The If^orlh-West Provinces, which extend from Bengal to 
the Punjab, were to have been formed into the "Agra" 
Presidency. The change of name nould have been extremely 
convenient. Later on, when the Punjab was annexed, the term 
" North- West Provinces " became a misnomer. The Punjab 
was de/aelo the furthest province on the north-west. Since 
then Oudh has been annexed to the North-West Provinces, 
and the term " Xorth-Weat Provinces and Oadh" has become 
cumbrous. A single name like "Agn" would be more 


Imperial Government. 129 

settled in a particular locality, and distributed the chap, m, 
land, or tlie produce of the land, amongst them- constitu- 
selves. The area was called a village, but was more niSdu 
like an English pariah. The village community " ^*^ 
managed its own affairs, and claimed a joint pro- 
prietorship in all the laud within the village area. 
They rented out waste lands to yearly tenants, 
strangers and outsiders, who were treated as tenants, 
and shut out from the management. Some of these 
tenants acquired rights of occupaaicy by prescription 
or length of possession, whilst others were only 
tenants at will. 

The village commonwealth had its own hereditary Hereditary 
omcials, such as a village accountant, who kept a and 
record of all transactions between the joint proprie- 
tors, and all accounts between the joint proprietors 
and their tenants. There was also a village constable 
or guide, who watched the crops and looked after 
strangers. Sometimes, when a brotherhood had 
decayed, a head man ruled the village in their 
room ; and the headman, with the help of the ac- 
countant and constable, managed all the domestic 
affairs of the village, and conducted its relations 
with the outer world. To these were added here- 
ditary artisans, such as a carpenter, potter, black- 
smith, barber, tailor, washerman, and jeweller. In 
like manner there was an hereditary schoolmaster, 
astrologer, and priest, who were generally Brahmans. 
The higher officials were remunerated with hereditary 
lands, held rent free ; but the others were paid by 
fees of grain or money. Traces of these institu- 
tions are still to be found in Behar and Orissa, 
but in Bengal proper the village life has died 
out. Hereditary artisans still remain, but here- 


130 India dnder British Role. 

.nAi. Ill ditary officials have become the servants of the 
Land Thesc villiige commuDities contributed a yearly 
wvenoe.£jjyg ^q ^]jg government of the day, either as 
joint proprietors or through a head man. In theory 
they claimed possession of the land because they 
had cleared the jungle, and cultivated and occupied 
a virgin soil. But they paid a revenue to the 
Raja in return for protection, or to satisfy the 
superior right of the sovereign, or as black-mail 
t-o prevent the Raja from carrying off their crops 
and cattle. 
Tttlntdars After the Mohammedan conquest the mode of 
zcmindira. Collection differed according to circumstances. Some- 
times officials were appointed by the sovereign. 
Sometimes a local magnate, or a revenue farmer, 
was employed, who collected the revenue from a 
group of villages, and paid a yearly block sum to 
the sovereign. They were middle-men, getting what 
they could out of the village communities, and 
paying as little as they eould to the government 
of the day. These local chiefs, or revenue con- 
tractors, were known in the North- West Provinces 
as talukdars. They corresponded to the zemindars 
of Bengal, and often, like them, assumed the rights 
of ownership over the villages. 
.Sottiement Lord Wellcsley ordered that the land revenue 
"iiii^°' in the North-West Provinces should be settled with 
prieUirB ^^^ talukdars at 6xed rates, like the perpetual 
settlement with the zemindars in Bengal. Fortu- 
nately, there was a preliminary inquiry into the 
conflicting rights of talukdars and village pro- 
prietors, which terminated in favour of the villagers. 
Lord William Bentinck travelled through the North- 


Impeeial Govebnment. 131 

West Provinces, and eventually the land revenue was chap. m. 
settled direct with the joint village proprietors. 

5 17. The Madras Pi-esidency seems to have heen Madm 
originally distributed into village communities of Hindu 
joint proprietors, A Hindu legend has been pre- '"timT' 
served to this day, which tells the story of old 
Hindu colonisation. A Raja of the southern country 
had a son by a woman of low birth. The people 
refused to accept the prince as their Raja. Accord- 
ingly the young man crossed the river Palar with 
a band of emigrants, and cleared the forest to the 
northward, near the site of the modern city of 
Madras. For six years the emigrants paid no 
share of the crops to the Raja. In the seventh 
year they were brought under the revenue 

The modern history of this locality is equally Joint 
interesting. It was ceded by the Nawab of the pro- 
Camatic to the East India Company during the wars P"***™" 
of the eighteenth century, and was known as the 
Company's Jaghir. It was found to be in the pos- 
session of joint village proprietors of the same 
constitution as those described in the North- West 
Provinces, and a settlement of the land revenue 
was made with these joint proprietors. 

During the latter half of the eighteenth century DiMppear- 
the rights of the joint village proprietors in Southern *"*"" 
India faded away under the tyranny of Asiatic rulers, 
but the hereditary officials, artisans, and professionals 
still survived. Few, if any, joint village proprietors 
in their full entirety could be found in any villages 

• See the author's History nf India from t/ie Earliest Ages, 
vol. iii., pages 60, 260, etc 

K 2 


132 India undek British Eule. 

CHAP. III. under the Nawab's officials ; whilst those within the 
Company's Jaghir had been duly respected and pre- 
served by the British officials. Under such circum- 
stances it wiia proposed to settle the revenue of the 
Camatic territory, acquired in 1801, with individual 
ryots or landholders under what was afterwards 
known as the ryotwari system. 

Perpetual Lord WeUcsley, however, interfered, and ordered 

"rf^J^' that perpetual settlements should be concluded with 
zemindars. Somehow this zemindari settlement had 
a fascination for British statesmen of the period. 
It was believed that the creation of an aristocracy 
of landlords would guarantee the permanence of 
British rule in India. Accordingly, Lord Wellesley 
was deaf to all arguments in favour of a ryotwari 
settlement, and threatened to remove ' any public 
servant in the Madras Presidency who should 
hesitate to carry out his orders. 
No Madras had no alternative but to submit. There 

"""^ were zemindars in the Telugu country to the north- 
ward, which had been conquered centuries previously 
by the Mohammedan Sultans of Golconda ; and with 
these zemindars it was easy to conclude a perpetual 
settlement But there were no zemindars in the 
Tamil country to the southward. 

Zemindan In this extremity there was no alternative but 
"" to manufacture zemindars. Accordingly zemindars 
were created in the Madras Presidency by the old 
Bengal process of grouping villages together, selling 
them by auction, and treating the lucky buyer as a 
zemindar. But the new zemindars failed to pay the 
stipulated revenue. The groups of villages were 
again brought into the market, and as Lord Wel- 
lesley had left India, the estates were bought in by 


Munro : 

Imperial Govebnmbnt. 133 

the Madras government, and the revenue resettled chap. m. 
with individual ryots or cultivators,' 

In Malabar and Canara on the western coast the uuitery 
proprietors of land did not live in villages. They hoidem. 
were landholders of the old military type, clinging 
to their lands with hereditary tenacity, employing 
serfe or slaves to cultivate them, and paying no 
revenue except feudal service and homage to their 
suzerain. Eventually Malabar and Canara were 
conquered by Tippu of Mysore, and the landholders 
were compelled to pay revenue, or to surrender 
their lands. 

Thomas Munro is the real author of the ryotwari Thomas 
settlement. He was a cadet in the Madras army, 
who landed at Fort St George about the time that 
Hyder Ali was desolating the Carnatic. In 1792 he 
was employed in settling the revenue in Malabar and 
Canara, which had been ceded by Tippu to Lord 
Comwallis ; and there he formed his ideas of a settle- 
ment direct with individual landholders. The con- 

I The villages in the Compaoy's Jagbir shared the same fate. 
Tbej were eold by auction in groups, and were moetly bonght 
up by native servants and dependents of the British o£Scials at 
Madras. In process of time the ryotwari settlement was intro- 
duced, and then a very knotty question wu raised, XJBder the 
ryotwari settlement a certain portion of the waste lands round 
a village was given to the villagers in common for grazing and 
other purposes ; but the culturable waste lands were taken over 
by the British authorities, and valued, and rented out accord- 
ingly, to such ryots as were willing to bring them under culti- 
vation. The buyers of the villages in the Company's Jaghir 
claimed, however, to be proprietors of the whole of the waste 
lands. For many years the demand was referred fay the Board 
of Revenue to the Supreme Court-, and by the Supreme Court 
back again to the Board of Revenue. By this time the qneatioD 
has perhaps been settled. 


4 India under British Rule. 

1". troversy between Madras aod Bengal raged for years, 
but in the end Thomas Munro was victorious. He 
converted the Board of Control and Court of Directors 
to his views. He was knighted, and appointed 
Governor of Madras. He died in 1827, after 
having triumphantly introduced the ryotwari. The 
zemindars in the Telegu country still retain their 
estates with the proprietary rights of landlords, 
'ay : Meanwhile the Bombay Presidency had been vastly 
lit enlarged by the acquisition of the dominions of the 
le. Peishwa. Mr. Mountstuart Elphinstone, the con- 
temporary of Sir Thomas Munro, was appointed 
Governor of Bombay. He introduced the ryotwari 
settlement iuto the Mahratta country, and framed 
a code of laws which remained in force throughout 
the Bombay Presidency until 1860, when it was 
superseded by the Penal Code. 
[m Lord William Bentinck's system of commissioners 
tuH. of divisions was introduced into the North- West 
Provinces and Bombay ; but the Madras Presidency 
was without commissioners or divisions, and was dis- 
tributed into twenty large districts or collcctorates, 
wliich on an average are as large as Yorkshire. In 
Bengal and the North- West Provinces the districts on 
an average are no larger than Devonshire. In each 
Madras district there was a collector, who might be 
described as a proconsul, and a civil and sessions judge, 
con-espooding to those in the other Presidencies. The 
administration of the Madras Presidency, revenue 
and judicial, lias always been distinguished by a 
larger element of Asiatic officials than either Bengal, 
Bombay, or tlie North-West Provinces. 

§ 1 8. The last and most important changes in the 


Imperial Government. 1;J5 

rule of the East India Company were carried out chap. m. 
during the administration of Lord William Bentinck, chnrttr 
under the charter Act of 1833. Before, however, isas": 
dealing with this radical reform, it may be as well thro»"n 
to review the successive stages in the relations of the "i""' 
East India Company towards parliament and the 

During the seventeenth century, the first of the ComMny 
Company's existence, it mainly depended on the Crown, 
favour of the crown. It had obtained a charter of 
exclusive trade from Queen Elizabeth. It prevailed 
on James I. to send Sir Thomas Roe as ambassador 
to India, to propitiate the Great Mogul and secure bis 
good oflSces for the Company's trade. It sold 
600,000 lbs. of pepper to Charles I. on the security of 
bonds on the customs, and enabled that sovereign to 
raise ^60,000 for the expenses of his war with 
Parliament. Oliver. Cromwell however did not 
approve of trade monopolies. The Lord Protector 
was willing to help the English Company to fight the 
Dutch Company, but he was of opinion that every 
Englishman had as much right as the Company to 
trade in the Eastern seas. Charles II. and James II. 
renewed the Company's original monopoly and 
privileges, and received presents in return, which 
however rarely exceeded the modest sum of .£1,200 
n year. 

Under Willinm of Orange the monopoly of the East Pariin- 
Indiea was again in danger. Parliament voted that iniJ?^es, 
every Englishman might traffic wherever he pleased. '^^B-i^^s. 
The Directors scattered bribes with a lavish hand ; 
but parliament insisted upon searching the books of 
the Company. Then discoveries were made which 
wore scandalous alike to the Company and the nation. 


136 India under Bkitish Rule. 

cBAp. ni. Every man in power, from the highest to the lowest, 
had taken money from the India House, In 1693 
about X90,000 had been spent in corruption. The 
Duke of Leeds was impeached in the House of 
Commons for taking a bribe of X5,000, and £10,000 
was traced to the illustrioua "William. In this ex- 
tremity the King prorogued parliament, and pro- 
ceedings were brought to a close. 
ThB The parliamentary vote however had abolished for 

Com^y. * while the monopoly of the trade with the East 
Indies. A second East India Company waa formed and 
the two rivals nearly ruined each other. At last the 
two Companies were united into one, and a large loan 
was advanced to government by the new corporation. 
Under this new arrangement the trade monopoly 
was secured to the united Company throughout the 
eighteenth century. 

Old East In those early days evcrj' shop in London exhibited 
Houw. * ^'S^ ^^ emblem. The first old East India House was 
a quaint building with a large entablature in front, 
bearing three ships in full sail and a dolphin at each 
end. The business was distributed amongst the 
Directors, and transacted in committees. All the 
Directors put their names to the letters sent to India, 
and signed themselves " Your loving friends." To 
this day the business of the India Office is conducted 
by committees, but the "loving friends" vanished 
with the East India Company. 

Now iniia. Ill the early half of the eighteenth century a new 
'"^' India House was built in Leadenhall Street. It was 
here that the Directors grew into merchant princes, and 
administered the affairs of provinces, until they built 
up our Anglo-Indian empire. Here too began the 
later conflict between the Company and the House of 


Impeeial Goveenment. 137 

Commons. George III. was bent on coercing par- cHxr. ni. 
liament and removing his ministers at will. But 
during the coalition ministry of Lord North and 
Charles James Fox, there was a battle royal between 
parliament and the crown. 

In 1783 Fox introduced his bill for abolishing the ?*"^ 
Court of Directors, and transferring their power and 
patronage to seven commissioners nominated in the 
bill. An agitation arose which threw the whole 
kingdom into a ferment. The King claimed the right 
of governing all countries conquered by his subjects. 
Accordingly he claimed the right of nominating the 
seven commissioners, and thus getting all the power 
and patronage of the Court of Directors into his own 
hands. But the House of Commons would not trust 
the King. Whigs and Tories saw that their liberties 
woiJd be endangered by such additions to the royal 
prerogative, and they passed Fox's bill by lai^e 

King George was furious. His only hope was that Hostility 
the obnoxious bill would be thrown out by the Lords, cwigeiii. 
He caused a message to be conveyed to every peer, 
that his Majesty would withdraw his friendship from 
any one who voted for the bill. Accordingly the 
bill was thrown out by the Lords. Fox and Lord 
Korth were ignominiously dismissed, and William 
Pitt the younger became prime minister. 

Pitt's India Bill of 1784 was a marvel of states- Ktt'a 
manship. The Court of Directors was left in the full " 
exei-cise of all patronage as regards first appointments 
in England to the ranks of the Indian civil services, 
or to cadetships in the armies of the three Presi- 
dencies, All promotions in India were left to the 
local governments and to the Governor-General in 


138 India under British Rule. 

CRAP. III. Council. Parliament exercised a constitutional con- 
trol over the whole administration of the Anglo- 
Indian empire ; and the patronage, whether in England 
or in India, was wisely kept out of the hands of either 
ministers or the crown. 
Abolition Under the charter act of 1813 the trade of the 
monopoly. Company with India was thrown open to the British 
nation, but the Company still retained its monopoly 
of tratle with China. The Company, however, suf- 
fered little by the loss of its monopoly as regards 
India. It was an old-established firm of two centuries 
standing. Its settlements and shipping were all in 
full swing, and it continued for twenty years longer 
to carry on a splendid business, which suffered but 
little by the rivalry of private interlopers. Mean- 
while, as already seen, it had become the paramount 
power in India by its successful wars against Nepal 
and Burma, the extinction of the Peishwa, the humi- 
liation of Sindia and Holkar, and the estennination 
of the predatory system. 
End of Under the charter net of 1833 all trading on the 
"trado. part of tlic East India Company, whether with India 
or with China, was brought to a close. The East 
India Docks were emptied of the Company's shipping, 
and the trade of Europe in the Eastern seas was 
thrown open to the whole world. 
l.icenBing Another radical change was also effected. Ever 
*^* ""■ since the first cytablishment of the Company's settle- 
ments in India, no British born subject, not in the 
service of the Company, had been permitted by law 
to reside in India without having previously pro- 
cured a license from the Court of Directoiu This 
license system was brought to a close in 1833, 
and any British born subject might take up his 


Imperial GovERNME^"r. 139 

residence iu India, and trade or travel wherever chap, m, 
he pleased. 

The constitution of the British government in Comtitii- 
India was remodelled. The Governor-General of ehaneeg. 
Bengal was created Governor- General of India with 
increased control over Madra3 and Bombay. The 
Council of India, which hitherto consiated of the 
GoTemor General as President, two Bengal civilians, 
and occasionally the commander - in - chief of the 
Bengal army, was increased by the addition of a 
law member, Mr., afterwards Lord, Macaulay was 
appointed to the new post. His labours wQl be 
noticed hereafter in dealing with the constitutional 
changes of 1853. 

Henceforth ail legislative authority and financial Centnlim- 
control were centred in the government of India; 
and the governments of Madras and Bombay were 
stripped of all power to enact laws, and prohibited 
from creating any new office or making any grant of 
money, without the consent of the Governor-General 
of India in Council, or the sanction of the Court of 

The charter of 1833 was not an unmixed good. Stognatimi 
It stopped all progress in Madras and Bombay by Rnd 
bringing those Presidencies too closely under the "^ ^' 
control of Bengal. For twenty years they had no 
representatives in the Council at Calcutta. They 
had framed their own systems of land revenue. 
They were relieved of the cares of trade, which had 
been a worry to Governors and Governors-General 
from the days of the Marquis of Wellesley to 
those of Lord William Bcntinck. But after the 
year 1833 they were more or less paralysed by 
the loss of all discretion and responsibility in matters 


140 India dndeb British Rule. 

CHAP. III. of legislation and expenditure. Great events were 
about to agitate Northern India, but for twenty 
years Madras and Bombay were without a history, 
and the work of administration was aa lifeleaa and 
monotonous as the working of a machine. 
PopnUr Lord William Bentiock left India in 1835. His 
tratioD o[ administration had been eminently popular with all 
""^ ■ classes of the community ; and his memory is pre- 
served to this day as that of a just and able ruler, 
who paid due regard to the rights and claims of 
Asiatics as well as of Europeans. 
sirChirUs Sir Chorles Metcalfe, the Bengal civilian, who was 
18S6— e': Bent on a mission to Runjeet Singh in 1808, and 
cSoL si°'=6 ^^^^ ^^^ Glled some of the most responsible 
."J* posts in the Anglo-Indian empire, acted as Governor- 
powara. General between the departure of Lord William 
Bentinck in 1835 and the arrival of Lord Auckland in 
1836. A new era was beginning to dawn upon 
India. Great Britain was about to appear, not only 
as mistress of an Anglo-Indian empire, but as an 
Asiatic power coming more or less into collision 
with four other Asiatic powers — Persia, Russia, 
Afghanistan and China. 





gi. Rnulan adTODca checked by Kadir Shah, I722-3S. S^. First Cabal 
war oniier Lord Auckland, 1838-42. S 3- Lonl EUenborongh, 1343-41 : 
nttani ^m Cabnl and conquest of Bind. S *• ^f-' >° Gwalior ; rednc' 
tion of Siiidia'a umy. % 5. Lord Hardinge, 1845~4g : Sikh mla in the 
Punjab. S 6. First Sikh war; Moodki, Ferozshahai, AUvitl, and 
Sobraon. g7. Lord Dalhouaie, 1848-56 : Second Sikh war ; Chillianwalla 
and Goojerat : annexation of the Punjab. S 8- BritiBh mle : patriaichal 
goTeiTtment. S 0. Second Barmese war, 1862 : anneiatioQ of Pegu. 
§10. Lord Dalhousie as an administrator: no looda in India. §11, 
Trunk road, trunk ntUway, telegraphs, Qangea canal, g 12. Annexa- 
tions of Nsgpora, SaUiB, Jhansi, and Oudh. g 18. India Bill of 1863 : 
now competitiTe Ciril Service. §14. New Legislative Council: Lord 
Macanlay and the Penal Code. § IB. Departure of Lord Dalhonsie, 1866. 
glS. Lord Cuming, 1866-62; expedition to the Persian Gnlf. S17. 
Mogul family at Delhi. § IS. Conditiou of Oudh. 

Lord Auckland lauded in Bengal at a grave political chap, it, 
crisis. Great Britain was growing jealous of Russia as £^ 
regards India, and tact and common sense were re- isse-ia r 
quired, not to promote a war, but to prevent one. ^"^^^"^ 
Jealousy of Russia was a new sensation. Great Britain 
had been indignant at the partition of Poland, but the 
two nations had become reconciled during the wars 
against France and Napoleon. Later on Russia began 
to extend her empire, and to menace Turkey on one 
side and Persia on the other ; and at last it dawned on 
the people of the British Isles that unless there was a 


142 India under British Rule. 

CHAP. IT. speedy understanding between British and Hussiau 
diplomatists, tlie Cossack and the sepoy would cross 
swords on the banks of the Oxus. 

Centrsl I 1- Central Asia is a new world which has been 
AfKh^'ifl- slowly opening up to European eyes. It includes the 
T^irk^ui '^^^^ territories of Afghanistan and Turkistan, which 
intervene between British India, Pei-sia, Russia, and 
China. It is a region of desert and mountain, ruined 
gardens and dried-up springs — the relics of empires 
which 6ourished in the days of the so-called Nimrod 
and Sennacherib, and the later days of the fire- 
worshippers, but were brought to rack and ruin by 
the Tartars and Turkomans in the armies of Cheoghiz 
Khan and Timur. 
Cnuiieof The whole of this region, and, indeed, the whole of 
luduu Ogutj-al and Northern Asia, has been the cradle of the 
people of India from the remotest antiquity, Hindus 
and Mohammedans are all immigrants from beyond 
the Indus. The Dravidian races, the pre-Aryan 
people, brought their devil worship and noisy orgies 
from Northern Asia into Hindustan. Eventually they 
were driven to Southern India by the Aryan people, 
who brought the Vedic gods and hymns, the sacred 
h6ma and the ministration of Rishis, from Persia 
and Media into Northern India. The Hajputs, the 
Greeks, and the Indo-Scythians of Hindustan, were 
all strangers from the north-west. The Turks and 
Afghans, who invaded India during the Crusades, 
and the Moguls, who established their empire in the 
days of the Tudors, were all sojourners from the 
Bame remote region. Thus Russia is only following 
the old instinct of Dravidiaus and Aryans, as she 
advances southward from the steppes towards Persia 


Rise to Asiatic Power. 143 

and India. She expands on land just as Great chap. iv. 
Britain expands on the sea. 

The marches of Tartar, Turk, Afghan, and Mogul Rosdan 
belong to a distant period. The march of Russia p'^ 
began in the first quarter of the eighteenth century. ^'^^' 
Peter the Great had been humiliated by Turkey on 
the banks of the Pruth, and looked to Persia fur 
compensation, Persia was on the brink of ruin. In 
1722 the Afghans had advanced to Ispahan ; and the 
Czar and the Sultan prepared to divide her remaining 
territory. Turkey took the western provinces, whilst 
Russia occupied the provinces along the south of the 
Caspian. The Caspian was a base for an advance on 
India, and had Peter lived he would have found his 
way to India. The road was easy md Meshed to 
Herat, and the Mogul empire would have fallen into 
his hands like an over-ripe plum. The British at 
Calcutta were a little hive of traders, who would have 
been belpless to resist a Russian invasion. Most 
probably they would have preferred Russia to 
the Mogul, and would have sent a deputation to 
the Russian camp to pray for the protection of 
the Czar. 

But Peter the Great died in 1727, and Nadir Shah, ch«ck- 
the last of the "world stormers," stepped in and "Nadir*^ 
snatched Persia from Russia. Nadir Shah was a Turk ' 1^7' 
of the noble tribe of Afshar ; a brigand in his youth, 
but destined to be as great a general as Cyrus or 
Napoleon. In 1727, the very year that Peter the 
Great died. Nadir Shah joined the dethroned Shah of 
Persia, drove the Afghans back to their own territories, 
and conquered Khorassan as far as Herat Eventually 
he impiTsoned the Shah, and usurped the throne of 
Persia. He compelled Turkey to retire from the 


144 India undeb British Eule. 

cHAP^iv. western provinces, and Russia to retire from the 

provinces on the Caspian. 
Peraian In 1738 NadiT Shah captured Candahar, invaded 
of^d^ the Punjab, and entered Delhi in triumph. His 
i?»8-8». battalions of Persians and Turkomans, trained and 
disciplined under picked officers, were irresiatible 
against Afghans and Mogula He did not want to 
conquer India, but only to plunder it He carried off 
the treasures of Delhi, the spoil of Hindustan, and the 
peacock of jewels which had blazed for a hundred 
years over the throne of the Great Mogul. Thus, 
within twelve years of the death of Peter the Great, 
the parade of jewels, which might have adorned the 
Kremlin, became the prize of Nadir Shah, 
N^ir Nadir Shah was the last of the line of Asiatic 
Md^ia warriors that began with Sargon and Cyrus, and 
PfiTsian culminated in Chenghiz Khan and Timur. He was 
tall, powerful, and loud-voiced, with an eye of light- 
ning, and an expression that alternately terrified and 
charmed. He stood out head and shoulders above 
his Persian officers, arrayed in a plain cloak lined with 
black lambskin from Bokhara, a crimson turban, a 
richly-mounted dagger in his belt, and a huge battle- 
axe of steel in his hand- He was ever at work from 
morn till night, inspecting troops, administering 
justice, dictating letters, or transacting business by 
word of mouth. His fare was of the plainest — boiled 
rice, with a little meat, bread, cheese, radishes, and 
parched peas — whilst his drink was butter-milk or 
water. His officers were Asiatic dandies, clad in rich 
pelisses trimmed with furs, smart vests with gold and 
silver lace, crimson hats with four peaks, or arrayed in 
coats of mail with steel helmets and sharp pikes. 
They scorned the frugal fare which satisfied their 


Rise to Asiatic Power. 145 

Turkish master. They delighted in Persian dishes, chap. iv. 
such as pillaws stuffed with plums and raisins, savoury 
atews, dainty bits of meat known aa kabobs, together 
with grape jelly, and coufections ; and they revelled 
in wine and strong waters, to the horror of all strict 

§ 2. A century passed away. Nadir Shah was Svmimi 
forgotten, and Russia waa again menacing Persia and wj* ' 
dabbling in the Caspian. In 1837 Persia was besieg- *~J5^* 
ing Herat under the pretence that it had formed part 
of the empire of Nadir Shah ; but Russia was in the 
background putting forth Persian claims as a cat's-paw 
for seizing Herat. Great Britain, however, was re- 
solved that neitiier Persia nor Riissia should take 
Herat from the Afghans, to whom it had properly 
belonged ever since the death of Nadir Shah. In 
October, 1838,' Lord Auckland declared war to compel 
Persia to retire from Herat. It was also determined 
to dethrone Dost Mohammed Khan, the ruler of 
A^hanistan, because he had been carrying on a 
suspicious intercourse with Russia, and to set up Shah 
Shuja in his room, because he had been dethroned 
many years previously by Dost Mohammf'd Khan, 
and was therefore the rightful ruler of Afghanistan. 
Moreover Shah Shuja had been living many years in 
British territory under British protection, and waa 
therefore likely to prove a more faithful ally against 
Russia than Dost Mohammed Khan. 

The declaration of war was a mistake. Persia had Poiitieii 
already taken the alarm, and raised the siege of Herat. 
Dost Mohammed Khan may have been a usurper, hot 
he had been accepted by the Afghan people as their 


146 India under British Rule. 

CHAP. IT. ruler, and he was a mau of undoubted capacity. If 
' he had been properly treated in 1836-37 he might 
have become as useful aa ally to the British govern- 
ment as he proved himself to be twenty yeai's later. 
Shah Shuja, ou the other hand, whom the British 
wished to set up in his room, was a weak and worth- 
less prince, and it was doubtful at the time whether 
the Afghan people would accept him as their ruler, 
especi^y if he were forced upon them by the British 
First Thus began the first Cabut war. The British army 
wV was shut out from the Punjab by Runjeet Singh, and 

1888-42 compelled to take a circuitous route through Sind. 
A bridge of boats was constructed to carry the army 
over the Indus at Sukkur ; but in those days Sind 
was a foreign territory, and no reliance could be 
placed on its rulers. Indeed, had the British met 
with a defeat in Afghanistan, the Amirs, or rulers of 
Sind, would possibly have destroyed the bridge, and 
cut off their return to India. 

British In February, 1839, the British army crossed the 

to&but, river Indus, and advanced along the Bolan Pass to 
^**'* Quetta, and thence to Candahar. Major Rawlinson 
remained at Candahar as minister and envoy of Shah 
Shuja, supported by a force under the command of 
General Nott. The main army, under Sir John 
Keane, advanced northward, captured the important 
fortress of Ghazni, and conducted Shah Shuja to 
Cabul, whilst Dost Mohammed Khan fled away 
northward to Bokhara. Shah Shuja was placed on 
the throne of Afghanistan, under the guidance 
of Sir William Macnaghten, the minister and envoy 
at Cabul, protected by the British army under 


Rise to Asiatic Powee. 147 

Keane, wbo was subsequently created Baron Keaue chap, iv, 
of Ghazni.' 

The year 1840 brought unexpected good fortune. British 
Runjeet Singh died in 1839, and his successor opened ""imoT' 
the Punjab to the march of British troops. Russia 
sent a counter expedition from Orenburg towards 
Khiva, but it was stopped by snows and want of 
water, and compelled to return. Shah Shuja, how- 
ever, was only maintained on the thi-one at Cabul by 
British arms and gold. The Afghans cared nothing 
for him. So long as they received subsidies from the 
British authorities they remained loyal, but there 
was no enthusiasm. The hill tribes, who occupied 
the passes into the Punjab, were equally loyal so 
long as they received pay, but otherwise might turn 
against the British at any time, and cut off their 
return to India. The shopkeepers and bazaar dealers 
at Cabul were satisfied, for they reaped a golden 
harvest from their British customers. Towards the 
close of 1840 Dost Mohammed Khan returned to 
Cabul and surrendered to Sir William Macnaghten. 
This was a stroke of luck which for a brief space 
threw the destinies of Central Asia into the hands 
of British rulers. The Dost was sent to Calcuttn 
as a prisoner but treated as a guest, and often 
played at chess at Government House.. Meanwhile 
British officers and officials fancied they were 
perfectly safe, and were joined by their wives 
and families, who gladly exchanged the depressing 
temperature of India for the cool climate of Cabul. 

In 1841 the prospect was less charming. The 

1 The capture of Ghazni was m&inljr due to the cool intrepidity 
of the late Sir Henry Darand, then a lieutenant in the Bengal 


148 India undee British Rule. 

CHAP. lY. subsidies were cut down and there was general 
A(gh»n discontent. The Afghans were sick of Shah Shuja 
tioQ, and weary of British occupation, and there was a 
' secret longing for a return to the old life of riot and 
rapine. The wild hill tribes, who were supposed to 
guard the passes leading to the Punjab, were still 
more disaffected ; but these matters were kept 
secret, and Sir William Macnaghten and the other 
officials kept up a show of confidence, whilst difficul- 
ties and dangers were hedging around them more 
and more closely from day to day. 
Britiah At the Same time the position of the British army 
S^J^ was unsatisfactory. It should have held the great . 
fortress of BaJa Hisaar, which commanded the whole 
city of Cabul, and could have put down any dis- 
turbance with the utmost ease. But Shah Shuja 
was jealous of the presence of British soldiers, and 
they were lodged in a cantonment three miles from 
the city, with no defence beyond a low mud wall 
which horsemen could gallop over. Lord Keane 
returoed to India, and was succeeded in the com- 
mand by General Elphinstone, who was too old for 
the post. Still there was no show of apprehension. 
Sir William Macnaghten lived with his family in a 
. house close to the cantonment. He was appointed 
Governor of Bombay, and was to have been 
succeeded by Sir Alexander Bumcs as minister and 
envoy. Burnes lived in a house within the precincts 
of the city, and thought himself as safe in Cabul as 
in Calcutta. 
Titteateii- As the year 1841 wore away, disappointments and 
onUOTk. anxieties began to tell on Sir William Macnaghten. 
Shah Shuja was a useless burden, like the old man 
of the sea on the shoulders of Sinbad. The hill 


KisE TO Asiatic Power. 149 

tribes had closed the passes between Cabul and obap. ir. 
Jellalabad, and in October Sir Robert Sale was sent 
with a brigade to re-open communications. Sale 
fought his way to Jellalabad, and there entrenched 
his troops and waited for reinforcements. 

On the 2nd November there was an outbreak in Outbreak 
the city of Cabul. Burnes barricaded his house, but m^er. 
was soon environed by an angry mob of Afghans. 
He sent an urgent message to the British canton- 
ment for a battalion of infantry, and two field-pieces, 
which at that early hour could have penetrated the 
city and efifeeted his deliverance. But the danger 
was underrated, and no force was sent lest it should 
offend Shah Shuja. That same afternoon the gate- 
way of the house was burnt down by the mob, 
and Barnes and twenty-three others were brutally 

By this time the outbreak had culminated in Afghut 
an insurrection. The population of the villages """^ 
round about had joined the rioters, and thousands 
of Afghans were hurrying into the city of Cabul in 
the hope of plunder. Later in the afternoon two 
battalions of British infantry tried to cut a way 
through the narrow streets and crowded bazaars, 
but found the task beyond their power, and were ■ 
compelled to return to the British cantonment. 
Akbar Khan, the eldest son of Dost Mohammed, 
appeared at the head of the insurrection ; whilst 
Shah Shuja was shut up in the Bala Hissar, help- 
lessly waiting for the British to suppress the 
rebellion, and deliver him from the fury of his 

Sir William Macnaghten and General Elphinetone Murfwof 
were paralysed by the dangers and anxieties of their "t^ " 


150 India under British Rule. 

CHAP. IT. position. Provisions were running short in the 
British cantonment ; supplies were withheld by the 
people of Cabul ; and soldiers and sepoys were 
becoming demoralised. At last it was decided to 
retreat to Jellalabad — the half-way house between 
Cabul and Peshawar ; and negotiations were opened 
with Akbar Khan for the supply of provisions and 
carriage. The greed of the Afghans was insatiable. 
Akbar Khan demanded vast suqas as ransom, and 
the surrender of British officers as hostages for the 
payment. On the 23rd December, 1841, there was 
a final meeting between Sir William Macnaghten 
and the Afghan chiefs, and the British minister and 
envoy was suddenly attacked and murdered by 
Akbar Khan. 
Britidh Notwithstanding the murder, negotiations were 
i^^^ re-opened. In January, 1842, the British forces 
^1842.^' began to retreat from Cabul, followed by Akbar 
Khan and a large army of Afghans. More money 
was demanded, and more hostages were surrendered, 
including British ladies and children. Then followed 
treacheries and massacres. The British army, num- 
bering four thousand troops and twelve thousand 
camp-followers, entered the Khyber Pass beneath a 
heavy fall of snow. The hill tribes crowned the 
precipitous heights on either side, and pouired a 
murderous fire on the retreating masses, whilst the 
soldiers of Akbar Khan joined in the horrible work 
of murder and plunder. The whole of the surviving 
force perished in the Khyber Pass with the excep- 
tion of a surgeon named Brydon, who escaped on a 
pony to Jellalabad, and lived to tell the tale for 
more than thirty years afterwards. 

One British officer appears to have kept his head 


Risk to Asiatic Puweis. 151 

amidst all these bewildcriag disasters. This was chap. ir. 
Captain Eldred Pottinger, a man who knew how to Eidred 
lead Asiatics, and how to control them. He was " "*^' 
inside Herat throughout the siege, and by sheer 
pluck and fertility of resources kept the enemy at 
bay until the siege was raised. He was one of the 
hostages made over to Akbar Khan, and was sent 
with the others to a fortress in the northern moun- 
tains. There he bribed the Afghan commandant 
with a written promise of a future ransom. He 
hoisted the British flag over the fortress, took 
possession of the surrounding country, collected the 
revenue, called in supplies, and kept up the spirits 
of ladies and children amidst the general depression 
and humiliation. Eventually the prisoners were 
delivered from their enemies and restored to their 
families and friends ; but Eldred Pottinger died 
and was forgotten. 

§ 3. Before the tidings of disaster reached England, Lord 
Lord Ellenborough was appointed Governor-General borough, 
of India, in succession to Lord Auckland. In Feb- ^**^"**- 
ruary, 1842, he touched at Madras, and heard of the 
destruction of the British army in the Khyber Pass. 
Meanwhile an avenging army, under the command 
of General Pollock, was marching to the relief of 
Sale, who was closely besieged at Jellalabad by an 
Afghan army under Akbar Khan. The British 
garrison at Jellalabad had defended the place 
with the utmost resolution, and before the arrival 
of General Pollock, Akbar Khan had been compelled 
to raise the siege. 

Up to this time nothing was known of General CmdBb.r. 
Nott at Candahar. The fact was that he and Major 


152 India under British Rule. 

CHAP. IV. Rawlinson were holding out against overwhelming 
odds, as Elphinatone and Macnaghten ought to have 
done at Cabul. History teaches that such a Burren- 
der as that of Macnaghten to Akbar Khan too often 
means "massacre." It meant "massacre" at Patna, 
in the days of Mir Kasim, and during the sepoy 
mutiny of 1857 it bore the same meaning at Jhansi 
and Cawnpore. 

dom of General Pollock advanced westward from Jellalabad, 

j^tmu whilst General Nott advanced northward from Can- 
1842. dahar. Both armies met at Cabul. Shah Shuja had 
been murdered, and Akbar Khan had fled away to 
the northward. All the British hostages, including 
the ladies and children, reached Cabul in safety, 
Doat Mohammed Khan was set free at Calcutta, and 
returned to Cabul and recovered his throne. Thus 
the first Cabul war was brought to a close, and for 
some years the Afghans were ignored. 

Ontidiie The disasters of 1841-42 led to disturbances in 
Asiatic states outside British territory. The Amirs 
of Sind were tempted to violate their treaty obliga- 
tions. In 1843 they were defeated by Sir Charles 
Napier in the battles of Meanee and Hyderabad, and 
their territories were eventually incorporated with the 
Bombay Presidency. There was also some excitement 
in Nipal and Burma ; but British prestige was restored 
by the victories of Pollock, Nott, and Napier, and the 
disorders soon died away. Meanwhile, the British 
government was drawn into a war with China ; but 
relations with China have not as yet been brought 
to bear upon British rule in India. 

Gwaiior § 4, In 1843 Lord Ellenborough interfered in the 
nti. affairs of Gwaiior. The ruling prince, who was known 


Rise to Asiatic Power. 153 

by the hereditary name of Sindia, had died without chap. iv. 
leaving any son, real or adopted. He had been a 
weak and incapable ruler, and- had permitted the 
army of Gwalior to grow too powerful for the state, 
and to swallow up two-thirds of the public revenue. 

The disbandment of the army was necessary, not OTugnwn 
only for the well-being of Gwalior, but for the security ^|' 
of the British government. It numbered 40,000 men 
and 200 guns. Meanwhile, the Sikh army in the 
Punjab had grown more dangerous. It consisted of 
some 60,000 men, well provided with artillery, who 
had been drilled and trained by French officers. It 
waa no longer under the control of a strong ruler like 
Runjeet Singh, and at any moment might cross the 
Sutlej into British territory. Under such circum- 
stances a junction of the Sikh army with the army 
of Gwalior would have raised a terrible storm in 

The death of Sindia rendered some action necessary. Beroit, 
He had left a widow who was only twelve years of 
age. This girl, however, was permitted to adopt a 
small boy of eight, and a minister was appointed, 
under the sanction of Lord Ellenborough, to conduct 
the administration of Gwalior during the minority. 
Shortly afterwards the girl dismissed the minister 
from his post, and he was fool enough to accept the 
dismissal. The girl then appointed a minister of her 
own, and won over the army by large distributions of 
money, in open defiance of the paramount power. 
The consequence was that disturbances broke out in 
Gwalior, and many persons were killed. 

Lord Ellenborough proceeded to Agra, and ordered SettJ*- 
the British army to advance to Gwalior under Sir ^43^ 
Hugh Gough. Two battles were fought on the same 


154 India under British Rule. 

GHAP, IV. day, the 29th of December, 1843, one body of the 
Gwalior army being defeated at Maharajpore, and 
another at Puuniar. Lord Ellenborough then carried 
out the necessary reforms. The army of Gwalior was 
reduced from 40,000 men to 9,000, and the number 
of guns from 200 to thirty-two. A subsidiary force was 
created of sepoys, trained and commanded by British 
officers, which was afterwards known as the Gwalior 
Contingent. The government was taken out of the 
hands of the girl-widow, and entrusted to a council of 
regency, consisting of six nobles of Gwalior, who 
acted under the advice of the British Resident until 
the adopted prince attained his majority. 
Lord In June, 1844, Lord Ellenborough was recalled by 
boro^u"^ the Court of Directors. It was urged that he was too 
"'i^lr^' ^^^^ '^^ '^^' ^^^ ^^ ^"^ whispered that he had given 
mortal offence by promoting military officers to posts 
previously occupied by civilians. The question raised 
some controversy at the time, as the recall was op- 
posed by Sir Robert Peel and the Duke of Wellington ; 
but it has long ceased to be of importance, and may 
be dropped into oblivion. 

sirHeniy § 5. Sir Hcury Hardinge succeeded Lord Ellen- 
is4E^«!' borough as Governor-General. At this period the 
Punjab was a political volcano, and the Sikh army 
was a menace to Hindustan. 
Bueof The Sikhs were religious fanatics, dating back to 
1400-1500! the fifteenth century. Their founder was a prophet, 
or Guru, named Nanuk Guru, who was at once priest 
and king. The object of the Guru was to reconcile 
the Hindu religion with the Mohammedan by teach- 
ing that there was but one God, one Supreme Spirit, 
and that the Vishnu of Hinduism and the Allah of 


ErSE TO Asiatic Power. 155 

Islam were one and the same deity. The churcli of chap. iv. 
Nanuk was a platform of comprehension. A brother- 
hood was formed, known as Sikhs, and all its mem- 
bers were declared to be equal in the eyes of God 
and His Guru, whatever might be their individual 
caste, wealth, or position. 

The Sikh religion was in reality a revival of a Sikh 
Buddhism recognising deity. Nanuk Guru bears a '*^'™* 
striking resemblance to Gotama Buddha. He was 
born in 1460 of the royal race of Kshatriyas, the 
modem Rajputs, or " sons of Eajaa." He taught that 
goodness in thought and deed was especially pleasing 
to God. He denounced the distinctions of caste, and 
preached universal charity and toleration. He was 
followed by a line of nine Gurus, who taught the 
same doctrines and formed an apostolic succession, 
inspired by God, and worshipped as incarnations or 
avatars of deity. The city of Amritsar, the "pool 
of immortality," became the sacred city of the Sikhs, 
and every year formed a centre of Sikh gather- 
ings like those of the Hebrews at Jerusalem and 
those of Mohammedans at Mecca. 

The new faith was eagerly accepted by Hindus, Penwn- 
especially those of the lower castes, but Moham-jj^Jwb. 
medans stood aloof firom the heresy. The stem 
Aurangzeb, who reigned as Great Mogul from the 
days of Oliver Cromwell to those of Queen Anne, 
persecuted the Sikhs with relentless ferocity, and the 
ninth Gum was beheaded in the imperial palace of 
Delhi in the presence of Aurangzeb and his courtiers. 

Under Guru G^jvind, the tenth and last of the old Gnrn 
Sikh pontiffs, the Sikhs were transformed by persecu- "^ 
tion from a brotherhood of saints into an army of "''■''*• 
warriors. Guru Govind stands out as the real founder 


156 India under British Edlb. 

CHAP. ly. of tlie Sikh Khalsa or "saved ones." He set apart 
five faithful disciples, namely, a Brahman, a Rajput, 
and three Sudras, to form a Khalsa, and to be a 
model for all other Kbalsas. He consecrated them 
by sprinkling holy water ; he gave to each the name 
of Singh, or " lion warrior," but he gave to the 
whole five collectively the name of Khalsa ; and he 
solemnly promised that wherever a Khalsa was 
gathered together, he, their Guru, would be in the 
midst of them. 
Army Henceforth the Sikhs were known as the "Army 

Khaial of Crod and the Khalsa." The constitution was 
changed. Guru Govind was taken prisoner by the 
Moguls and executed, and hia successors lost their 
spiritual prestige. The Sikhs were divided into 
twelve misls or clans, each having its own chief 
or Sirdar ; but the Sirdars changed with the times. 
Some took the field at the head of their sons and 
vassals, zealous only for God and the Khalsa. Others 
were mere freebooters, who led bodies of irregular 
horse to devastate and plunder. Others again formed 
a brotherhood of fanatics known as Akalis, who called 
themselves soldiers of God, and were distinguished 
by steel bracelets and dark-blue dresses and 

Bnnjeet Qut of these discordant elements Eunjeet Singh 

1800-39. created his famous army of the Khalsa. By con- 
summate tact he stirred up the old enthusiasm of the 
Sikh soldiery, whilst employing French ofBcers to 
di'ill and command them. He added Cashmere and 
Peshawar to his dominions, and was known aa the 
" Lion of Lahore." His depravity is indescribable ; 
hia court at Lahore was a sink of iniquity, like the 
cities of the plain ; but, knowing the real source of 


Rise to Asiatic Power. 157 

his power, he gloried in the title of "Commander-' 
in-Chief of the Army of God and the Khalsa." 
When he died, in 1839, foiu" queens and seven 
slaves were buried alive with his remains. 

Between 1839 and 1845 the Punjab was sinking Hop«]tM 
into hopeless anarchy. There was a deadly conflict ""^y- 
between Sikhs and Bajputs. Plots and murders fol* 
lowed in rapid succession. Princes, ministers, and 
generals were carried off in turns by assassination or 
massacre. Meanwhile the treasures of Runjeet Singh 
were squandered in wild debauchery, or lavished on 
the army. There was a British envoy at Lahore, but 
he could do nothing. On one important occasion he 
reported that every minister of state had been drunk 
for several days. On another occasion he entered 
the council-hall unexpectedly, and found the prime 
minister figuring in the guise of a dancing-girl 
amidst the applause of his colleagues. An infant, 
named Dhuleep Singh, said to be the son of Runjeet 
Singh, was the nominal sovereign ; but the queen- 
mother, a woman of low origin, and her minister 
and paramour, were the rulers of the country. 

By this time the army of the Khalsa were masters Anaj 
of the state — the pratorian guards of the Punjab. ""P""** 
It was dangerous to the Sikh government, and was 
only kept quiet by money and concessions. It de- 
manded more pay, and got it. The French officers 
fled for their lives. The Sikh officers were compelled 
to obey certain little Khalsas, which by this time 
had come to be elected by the soldiery in every 
corps, and were supposed to be animated by the 
invisible but presiding spirit of Guru Govind. The 
army was bent on sacking the capital and slaughtering 
all who stood in their way, whilst the Akalis, the 


158 India under British Rule. 

oiiAP. ly. fanatical soldiers of God, were burning to purge 
the court at Lahore of its iniquities. 

Non-inter- The Sikh rulers implored the British government 
to protect them against the aimy of the Khalsa ; but 
non-intervention was still the ruling policy, and the 
British government refused to interfere. Meanwhile 
the dangers of Sikh invjision had been minimised by 
the reduction of the army of Gwalior, and the British 
government underrated the strength of the Sikh 
army. Amidst the general lull the crash came. The 
ministers were afraid of a reign of terror at Lahore, 
and sent the army of the Khalsa across the river 
Sutlej to plunder the cities of Hindustan. 

aikh § 6. The British government was taken utterly 
HovMQte'r, ^7 surprise. There was no warning whatever, and 

^8«. the enemy was estimated to number 100,000 men 
with 150 large guns. Ferozpore, the frontier station 
of the British army on the north-west, was held by 
a British force of 10,000 men. The Sikhs might 
have overwhelmed Ferozpore, and marched on to 
Delhi and Agra before the main army could have 
taken the field. Fortunately for the British the 
Sikh generals were cowards and traitors, thinking of 
nothing but themselves. The British force at Feroz- 
pore moved out and offered them battle, but they 
shrank from a collision. They divided the Sikh 
army into two bodies : one stopped to watch Feroz- 
pore, whilst the other entrenched a camp a few 
miles off at Ferozshahar. 
Uoodti, Sir Henry Hardinge and Sir Hugh Gough were 
■ soon moving to the frontier with a British army. 
On the 18th of December a battle was fought at 
Moodki, The Sikh general fled at the outset, but the 


Rise to Asiatic Power. 

Sikh aoldiera opened fire with a rapidity and preci- c 
aion which for a while staggered the British, At 
last the British gained a victory, but it was not 

Two days after Moodki, the British attacked the fbtoi- 
Sikh force at Ferozahahar. They met with a resist- °^'^^' 
ance which they never expected. The Sikhs were 
again deserted by their general, but fought with the 
reckless bravery of zealots ; and Sir Hugh Gough 
charged up to the muzzles of their guns with cold 
steel before he could carry their batteries. Night 
came on, and the firing ceased. During the darkness 
there was an uproar in the enemy's camp, and it 
turned out that the Sikh soldiers were plundering 
their own treasury — the military chest which their 
general had left beiiind in his haaty flight from the 
field. Next morning the battle was renewed, 
but the Sikhs had lost their enthusiasm, and were 
soon in full retreat to the Sutlej. 

Karly in 1846 the Sikh army recrossed the Sutlej Aiiwal 
by a bridge of boats. Sir Harry Smith defeated one sobraon, 
force at Aliwal, but the main army of the Khalsa '***' 
.was strongly entrenched at Sobraon. In February 
Hardinge and Gough advanced to storm the 
entrenchment. Then followed the hardest and 
bloodiest battle which the British had hitherto 
fought in India. The Sikhs fought with the 
desperation of despair, but were slowly beaten back 
by the fiery resolution of the British. At last they 
retreated to the Sutlej, and thousands were drowned 
in the river. Their general had fled on the morning 
of the battle, and had broken down the bridge to 
preveut their return to the Punjab. 

Thus ended the firet Sikh war. The British army 



160 India under British Rule. 

HAP. IT. marclied in triumph to Lahore, and Sir Henry 

Mixed Hardinge, now Lord Hardinge, began to settle the 
nt, future government of the Punjab. He was unwil- 

Biittah. li°g to annex the country, for the British nation 
was already jealous of the territorial possessions of 
the East India Company. He dared not withdraw 
the British army lest the army of the Khalsa should 
spring again into life and sweep away the Sikh regime. 
He tried a compromise. He recognised the infant, 
the queen-mother and her miuister, as de facto 
rulers of the PuDJab. He reduced the army of the 
Khalsa to a third of its former strength. He 
annexed the frontier province on the north, known 
as the Julinder Doab, and he demanded a subsidy 
of a million and a-half sterling towards the ex- 
penses of the war. 

Sale of The money was not to be had. Out of twelve 
*"' millions sterling that were found in the Lahore 
treasury after the death of Runjeet Singh, only half 
a million remained. The difficulty was overcome 
by the Viceroy of Cashmere, a Rajput named Golab 
Singh, who held the province in subordination to 
the Sikh government. He oflfered one million ster- 
ling, provided the British government recognised him 
as Maharaja of Cashmere, independent of Lahore. 
The bargain was struck, and Cashmere was sold to 
Golab Singh. 
<^n^i^of Still it was impossible for the British to withdraw 
from the Punjab without bringing on a second war. 
Before the end of 1846 the queen-mother was found 
to be utterly unfit to rule, whilst her minister was 
stirring up the people of Cashmere to revolt against 
the Maharaja. The minister was removed from his 
post. Eight of the leading Sirdars at Lahore were 

DiB.1izedO¥ Google 

Rise to Asiatic Power. 161 

formed into a council of regency, under the direction ch*p. iv. 
of Sir Henry Lawrence, the British Resident at 
Lahore ; and it was determined that a small British 
force should remain in the Punjab until the infant 
Dhuleep Singh attained his majority. 

§ 7. Two years passed away. In 1848 Lord Lord 
Hardinge was succeeded by Lord Dalhousie, and lais-M.' 
returned to England accompanied by Sir Henry 
Lawrence. Sir Frederic Currie, a Bengal civilian, 
was Resident at Lahore, and the Punjab was to all 
appearance quiet. About this time the Sikh gover- 
nor of Multan, named Mulraj, quarrelled with the 
council of regency at Lahore, and resigned his post 
in diagust. Two Englishmen, Mr. Vans Agnew and 
a Lieutenant Anderson, were sent to Multan with a 
Sikh escort to take overcharge. 

Multan is situated on the river Chenab, about RoToitat 
200 miles to the south-west of Lahore. The two April,' 
Englishmen reached the place in April, and took up murder of 
their quarters at a mosque in the suburbs. Mulraj i^h^;?;" 
paid them a visit, and there was some disagreement 
about the accounts, but the two Englishmen went 
over the fortress with Mulraj, and all three left the 
place together on horseback. At that moment the 
two Englishmen were felled from their horses. 
Mulraj galloped away into the country, and the two 
Englishmen were carried away to the mosque and 
brutally murdered. Mulraj returned to the fortress, 
and issued a proclamation calling on the people of 
all religions to revolt against British supremacy. 

The Sikh and British authorities at Lahore treated Revolt of 
the outbreak as an isolated rebellion. Lieutenant sin^. 
Herbert Edwaides, a rising officer, marched an 



162 Imdia under British Rule. 

CHAP. IT, irregular force againslMultau; but though he defeated 
the rebels, he could not capture the fortress. A Sikh 
noble, named Shere Singh, marched from Lahore to 
eo-operate with Edwardea, and a British force under 
General Whish was also sent in a like direction. It 
turned out, however, that Shere Singh was negotiating 
with the rebels inside the fortress, whilst swearing 
fidelity to the British authorities outside. When the 
British guns had opened fire, and the capture of the 
fortress was a mere question of hours, Shere Singh 
suddenly beat the drum of the Khalsa, proclaimed a 
religious war against the British, and started for the 
north with the whole of his men as fast as their long 
Sikh legs could carry them. Whish saw that pursuit 
was hopeless, and could only entrench his troops and 
wait for reinforcements whilst keeping watch on 
■A™y The hot weather was coming on, British advance 
KhaiM. was delayed, and the British authorities at Lahore 
were discovering that a second Sikh war was inevit- 
able. The queen-mother was organising a general 
confederacy against the British government, but her 
intrigues were found out in time, and she was sent 
to Benares to repent at leisure. Rebel chiefs were 
plotting in all directions to get rid of the British 
government, and bring back the old days of anEtrchy 
and plunder. Later in the year many villages were 
found empty. The able-bodied men had gone off to 
join rebel chiefs, and fight once more for God and 
the Khalsa ; and no one remained behind but the 
halt and the lame, the women and the children. 
Afghan* To CFowD all, Dost Mohammed, Khan of Cabul, 
pj^^had joined the rebel Sikha. As a Mohammedan he 
must have hated the Sikhs and their religion, 


Rise to Asiatic Power. 163 

especially as Runjeet SiDgH had wrested the im- chap. iv. 
portant valley of Peshawar from Afghan dominion. 
But he saw his opportunity to recover Peshawar. 
He overran the valley and captured the fortress of 
Attock ; and he determined that whatever might 
happen, he would hold Peshawar for the future 
against Sikh or Englisbmaa. 

In November, 1848, the British army, under Lord Gongh's 
Gough, entered the "land of the five rivers." On 'li*^ 
the 13th of January he approached the army of Shere 
Singh, which was strongly entrenched at Chillianwalla 
on the left bank of the Jhelum — the Hydaspes of the 
Greeks — and probably not far from the spot where 
Alexander routed the Rajput army of Poms. The 
Sikh ai-my was hidden from view by a dense jungle. 
Lord Gough ordered a reconnoitre ; he proposed to 
give his army a night's rest, and to begin the battle 
next morning. 

Shore Singh upset this arrangement. He did not ChiUkn- 
care to fight the British anny after a night's rest, and "a^^ 
after his position had been reconnoitred. He stirred ^^*'" 
up the Irish blood of Lord Gough by opening a fire 
on the British camp. The impetuous general returned 
the fire, and ordered an advance. For a brief interval 
nothing was to be heard but the roar of artillery, 
whilst the battle was hidden from view by smoke and 
jungle. Presently the British guns were silenced by 
the advance of infantry, and soon afterwards the 
sharp rattle of musketry told that the conflict had 
begun. But the battle of Chillianwalla was disaatrous. 
The Sikh artillery continued to roar after the British 
artillery was silenced. A brigade of British infantry 
was beaten back. A cavalry brigade was repulsed 
with a loss of guns. At hst, the ringing cheer of 
H 2 


164 India under Beitish Edle. 

CHAF, IV. Britisli infantry told that the day was gained, but it 

waa dearly purchased with the loss of 2,400 officers 

and men. The Sikha were driven from their position, 

but they entrenched themselves still more strongly 

on better ground only three miles oflf. Had there 

been a forward movement on the following morning, 

tiic doubtful success of the 13th of January might 

have been converted into a decisive victory, 

Fau of On the 22nd of January Mulraj surrendered the 

22nd ' fortress of Multan to General Whish. This enabled 

"nnwy- "wrjjjgij jQ bring his forces to the help of Lord Gough. 

Later on Shere Singh began a march to Lahore, but 

was stopped by Gough and Whish at Goojerat on the 

right bank of the Chenab. 

Goojerat, The battle of Goojerat was fought on the 2l3t of 

Fobruary. February, 1849. It was known as "the battle of 
the guns," for there was no premature advance of 
infantry or cavalry, as at Chillianwalla. For two 
hours and a-half the Sikh army was pounded with 
British shot and shell, and then, and not till then, a 
charge of bayonets and a rush of cavalry completed 
the destruction of the army of the Khalsa. The 
victory at Goojerat saved the reputation of Lord 
Gough. Sir Charles Napier had been sent out to 
supersede him as commander-in-chief, on account of 
the losses at Chillianwalla ; but before Napier could 
reach India the war was over, and Chillianwalla was 
condoned, although it could not be forgotten. The 
Punjab was once more prostrate at the feet of the 
British, and the Afghans were driven out of Peshawar. 
Anneia- Thc mixcd government of Sikhs and British had 

"J^^^,{,^' failed in the Punjab, under Sir Henry Lawrence and 

1849. gjp Frederic Currie, as it had failed in Bengal nearly 

a century before under Clive and his successors. 


EiSE TO Asiatic Power. 165 

liOrd Dalhonaie decided, and to all appearance rightly, caAP. ir. 
that annexation waa the only chance of salvation for 
the Punjab. So the weak and helpless relics of the 
family of Runjeet Singh were pensioned oflF by the 
conquerors, and his kingdom was incorporated with 
the British empire, and formed into a province under 
British rule. 

§ 8. The administration of the Punjab was, in the Bntiah 
first instance, placed under a Board of three members. the 
But the Board did not work smoothly, and Lord ^^ ' 
Dalhouaie objected to Boards, and preferred fixing 
responsibilities on individuals. Accordingly Mr. John 
Jjawrence, a younger brother of Sir Henry Lawrence, 
was appointed sole ruler of the Punjab under the 
title of chief commissioner. It will be seen hereafter 
that John Lawrence was destined to leave his mark 
in history ; to become Governor-General of India, and 
finally to take his seat in the House of Lords. The 
Punjab was delivered from the grinding exactions of 
Sikh ofiiciala, and brought under the just and im- 
partial rule of British officers. Within the space of 
less than a decade, the kingdom of Eunjeet Singh, 
which had been distracted by wars and disorders 
worse than those of England under the Heptarchy, 
was brought under the civilised and European 
administration of the nineteenth century. 

The Punjab was parcelled out into divisions and Kon-Bega- 
districts, like the Bengal and North-West Provinces. 
It was not, however, brought under the " Regulations," 
which had the force of laws in Bengal, Madras, Bom- 
bay, and the North- West Provinces. For some years 
it was known as a non-Kegulation province ; in 
other words, British administration in the Punjab was 


16G India obder Beitish Rule. 

CHA.V. IV. carried od according to the spirit of the RegulatioDS, 
and on the same lines as the administration of the 
North- West Provinces, but a lai^e margin of latitude 
and discretion was allowed to the chief commiflflioner, 
and he was empowered to issue his own instructions 
and orders, which might sometimes be out of harmony 
with the BegulatioQS. 

Piitrisrch- The result was that a so-called patriarchal rule pre- 
■f^at."* vailed in the Punjab, which was admirably adapted 
to the transition state of the "land of five rivers." 
British oflScers laboured to govern the country, and 
to administer justice amongst a mixed population of 
Sikhs, Mohammedans, and Hindus, according to local 
circumstances and usages, rather than according to 
the strict letter of the law which had prevailed for 
generations in Kegulation provinces. 
Dirtriet Under the non-Regulation system the duties of 
magistrate, collector, and civil and sessions judge 
were discharged by a single officer, who was known 
as the deputy-commissioner. The deputy-commis- 
sioner was thus not only the head of the civil 
administration of his district, but the magistrate 
and judge. Below him were certain grades of 
assistant commissioners, whose duties were of a 
similarly comprehensive character. Half of these 
grades were taken from the ranks of the Indian 
civil service, and the other half from British officers 
in the Indian army. Below them were grades of 
UDCovenanted officers, European and Asiatic, known 
as extra assistant commissioners, who corresponded 
more or less with the class of deputy-collectors 
created by Lord William Bentinck. 
Conunii- The commissioners of divisions controlled the ad- 
'"""^ ministration of the districts under their charge after 


Rise to Asiatic Power. 167 

the manner of commissioners in Bengal, Bombay, and ohap. iv. 
the North-West Provinces. They also heard appealfl 
from the courtB of deputy-commissioners. Another 
officer, known as the " financial commiflBioner," con- 
trolled the expenditure of the entire province, in 
subordination to the chief commissioner. 

There was no Supreme Court, and no Sudder Court, Joiiioiai 
iD the Punjab. In those patriarchal days a single iionw: 
officer, known as the "judicial commissioner," con- ^^ 
trolled all the law courts in the province, and was 
the last court of appeal. Meanwhile a code of laws 
was drawn up, under the directions of the chief com- 
missioner, by his secretary, Mr. (now Sir Bichard) 
Temple. Since then Sir Richard Temple has filled 
high positions in India, which were only second 
in importance to those occupied by his illustrious 

The land settlement in the Punjab was carried Land 
out on the same lines as that in the North-West ment- 
Provinces. Proprietary rights of village commu- ^H^. 
nities, joint or otherwise, were recognised as far as 
possible. The village system was perhaps as perfect 
in the Punjab as in any other part of India, but 
for years the rights of village proprietors had been 
ignored or stamped out under Sikh rule. The 
revenue collectors of Ranjeet Singh cared nothing 
for proprietary right, nor indeed for any law or 
usage which debarred them from exacting as much 
revenue as possible from the cultivators of the land. 

Meanwhile the land settlement of the North-West North- 
Provinces, which had been modified by Lord William p»vinim 
Bentinck, was brought to a close under the super- 
vision of Mr. Thomason, the Lieutenant-Governor. 
It was based on the principle of recognising, defining, 


168 India under British Rdle. 

CHAP. IV. and recording all existing rights of proprietors of 
every kind and sort, from those of hereditary chiefs 
and landlords, down to village proprietors, joint or 
otherwise. The settlement included a iiall record oi 
the rights of all proprietors in every village. Every 
field was measured and mapped ; every house waa 
entered on a list. All shares in the land, and all 
joint and separate liabilities for revenue, were regis- 
tered. The customs of the village were recorded, 
and formed a manual of village law. Finally, details 
of all lawsuits under the settlement officers were 
preserved, and formed a history of the village settle- 
ment. This system was carried out in the Punjab 
and other new provinces of British India. In Bengal, 
however, it is stopped by the zemindari system ; 
whilst in Madras village rights are equal under the 
ryotwari system. 

Second § 9. lu 1852 a second Burmese war was forced 
1^^862. iipoQ Lord Dalhousie, A treaty of commerce and 
firiendship had been concluded with the king of 
Burma at the end of the first war, but of late years 
it had been grossly violated. Burmese ofBcials had 
condemned British sea captains to fine and imprison- 
ment on false charges, and British merchants residing 
at Rangoon were preparing to abandon their property 
and leave Burmese territory unless they were pro- 
tected by their own government. 
Arrogant Commodorc Lambert was sent to Rangoon to in- 
vestigate complaints. He was treated by the Burmese 
officials with such insolence and arrogance that nego- 
tiations were impossible. Eventually he seized a 
Burmese ship by way of reprisal, but engaged to 
restore it on receipt of something like 1,000^. as 


Rise to Asiatic Power. 169 

nominal compensation for British sufferers. In reply chap, iv, 
the Burmese fired on the commodore's steamer, and 
the firing was promptly returaed. From that moment 
war was inevitable. 

A British expedition under General Godwin reached Anneia- 
Eangoon. The Shway Dagohn pagoda, the great pegu. 
cathedral of Buddhism in Burma, was taken by 
storm ; and then all fighting was over. The court 
of Ava was powerless and paralysed. It could not 
resist British forces, and simply left the British 
authorities to do as they pleased. Upper Burma 
was abandoned to the king, and the rich valley of 
Pegu, and port of RangooD, were added to the British 
empire ; and eventually the three divisions of Pegu, 
Arakan, and Tenasserim were formed into the 
province of British Burma, 

The annexation of the Punjab and Burma are the New 
crowning events of the nineteenth century. Lord BriSSi"^ 
Wellesley had delivered India from Tippu, and ^^v^- 
established the paramount power of the East India 
Company over the Mogul viceroys and the Mahratta 
princes. Lord Hastings had converted Nipal into a 
staunch ally, and stamped out the predatory powers 
of Central India. Lord Dalhousie annexed the 
empire of Runjeet Singh, excepting Cashmere, and 
the empire of the Alompras, excepting Upper Burma, 
and thus laid down frontiers which remained 
unchanged for an entire generation.^ 

^ Ab these pages are passmg throngh the press Upper Burma 
has been annexed to the British empire. In 1870 the author 
was sent by the British goTemmeut on a semi-political mission 
to Mandalay and Bhamo. In those days the reigning king 
respected British supremacy, and British repreBentatiTes were 
maintained at the capital and the frontier. These political ties 
were subsequently loosened, and annexation became a state 


170 India under British Rule. § 10. But Lord DalKousie left his mark in history 
T^rd as an administrator rather than as a conqueror. 
u «D Having annexed the Punjab and Pegu, he threw hia 
tiSorT whole soul into the administration. The Punjab was 
^^"^f^ aeon traversed with roads like a Roman province, 
policy, and one magnificent and difficult road was completed 
from Lahore to Peshawar. Rangoon was cleared 
of malarious jungle, and planned out in streets 
and roads like a European city. The working of 
British administration in the new provinces has been 
most successful. Lord Dalhouiso not only delivered 
the population from oppression and violence, but 
introduced order, liberty, and law, such as prevails 
in no Oriental country outside the British pale from 
the Atlantic Ocean to the Chinese Seas. Lord Dal- 
housie may have petted the Punjab and Pegu at 
the expense of Madras and Bombay, but he was 
never unmindful of the interests of the Anglo-Indian 
empire. He is the first Governor-General who 
laboured for the benefit of India in the interests of 
the British nation, aa well as in those of the East 
India Company. 
PnWio Public works in India before the advent of Lord 
tbeEwt Dalhousie had chiefly consisted of military and civil 
CompKiy buildings, such as barracks, arsenals, jails, and 
hospitals. The Company, however, was the land- 
lord of India, and the bulk of the people were its 
tenants ; it had therefore sought to improve the 
condition of its tenants after the manner of land- 
neceesity. Like most of the Buddblst kings of Burma, Theebaw 
was a professed water drioker, bat mach given to strong liquors, 
in wtiich state tie committed the most reTolting cruelties. 
Similar horrors (u-a related of the old kings of Burma in the 
author's Short Hittory of India, AfghamiitUm, S'epol, and Bvrma, 


Ei3E TO Asiatic Power. 171 

lords. It encouraged the cultivation of tea, coflFee, chap. iv. 
and cotton. It restored choked-up channels, which 
had been dug by Mohammedan Sultans of former 
days for watering their palaces, gardens, and hunt- 
ing grounds ; and it converted them into canals 
for irrigating a large acreage in the North- West 
Provinces. Such waa the origin of the Western and 
Eastern Jumna canals, which were constructed 
in the days of Lord William Bentinck and Lord 
Auckland. Each canal received the water from the 
upper stream on the slope of the Himalayas, and 
irrigated the high lands which were above the level 
of the lower stream. Above all, the Company 
sanctioned the Ganges canal which waa purely a 
British undertaking, constructed for navigation as 
well as for irrigation. 

But India waa without roads. Rough caravan Norftem 
routes traversed Northern India in the seventeenth ^^ 
century, and European travellers landing at Surat ""^'^ 
co\ild find their way to Ajmere, Agra, and Delhi. 
¥tom Delhi again there waa a caravan route through 
the Punjab and Afghanistan to Persia and Turkistan. 
But in the eighteenth century all were closed. 
Rajput rebels and outlaws stopped all travelling 
between Surat and Agra ; the Jhat brigands of 
Bhurtpore stopped it between Bengal and Delhi ; 
and Sihks and Afghans cut off all trade with Persia 
and Turkistan. 

In Northern India the ordinary route firom Calcutta Witer- 
to the north-west waa by water. The rivers Jumna "''*' 
and Ganges flow from the Himalayas in a south- 
easterly direction until they meet at Allahabad in the 
centre of Hindustan. The Jumna flows past Delhi 
and Agra ; the Ganges flows past Cawnpore ; and 


172 India under Bjiitish Rule. 

CHAP. IV. after meeting at Allahabad, the two rivers flow in one 
united stream past Benares, Patna, Monghyr, and 
Calcutta, until they reach the Bay of Bengal. But 
travelling up country against the stream was alwaya 
tedious, and a journey which formerly occupied 
months by water, now only occupies the same number 
of days by rail. 
Deccan : In the Dcccan the routes were much worse. There 
no traffic ^^ jj^ traffic between Bombay and the Mahratta 
country until 1831, when Sir John Malcolm opened 
a cart-road through the western Ghats, and thus 
broke through the mountain wall which cut o£f 
Bombay from the interior. In the Nizam's country 
there were no roads except a rough route between 
Hyderabad and the seaport at Maaulipatam, which 
was cursed by every British Resident from the days 
of Clive and Verelst down to very modem times. 
Southern In Southern India there were neither caravan 
J^ko-' routes nor waterways of any moment. Hindu Rajas 
quina. ^gygj- opened out the country like the Mohammedans 
of Northern India. Hindu infantry and light Mah- 
ratta horsemen required no roads ; and Rajas and 
other Hindu grandees were carried in palanquins. 
Europeans travelled in palanquins down to the pre- 
sent generation, and were in no fear of robbers. 
Ladies and children were borne along through 
jungles and over rivers ; leopards and tigers were 
kept o£f at night by lighted torches ; and the sure 
feet of the half-naked coolies carried travellers 
safely over rocky heights and troubled waters. 
Mftoadam- Mr. Thomason, who was Lieutenant-Governor of 
i«d roads, ^j^g North-West Provinces from 1843 to 1853, was 
the first Bengal administrator who constructed mac- 
adamised roads. His object was to connect the large 


KiSB TO Asiatic Powee. 173 

cities under his jurisdiction, but the work once begun chap. iy. 
soon advanced apace. A trunk road was commenced 
between Calcutta and Delhi, and in 1850 mail carts 
ran for the first time between the two capitals of 
Northern ladia. The annexation of the Punjab gave 
a further impetus to road-making, and Calcutta and 
Delhi were soon brought into communication with 
Lahore and Peshawar. 

Meanwhile railways had created a furor. Pro- Proposed 
moters in the British Isles were anxious to construct *"''' 
railways in India at the expense of the East India 
Company, but the idea did not recommend itself to 
the men who had the largest experience of India. 
There was a natural reluctance to accept schemes by 
which speculators might profit at the Company's 
expense, whilst the gain to the people of India would 
be doubtful. It was currently believed, by men who 
had spent the best part of their lives in the country, 
that Hindus would never travel by railway; that 
they would trudge on foot, and carry their families 
and goods in carts and cars, as they had done in the 
days of Porus and Megasthenes. 

§11. Lord Dalhousie was the type of British Lord 
administrators of the modem school. He bad served ^ now t™ 

and he was especially familiar with the construction 
of British roads and railways. In India he opened 
the great trunk road from Calcutta to Delhi, and post 
carriages, known as " dak gharies," soon superseded 
the old river " budgerows." Other metalled roads 
were begun in Madras and Bombay. Still one thing 
was wanting. Calcutta was united to all the great 


174 India under British Rule. 

cBAP.iv. capitals of Northern India — Allahabad, Agra, and 
Delhi — but Bombay and Madras were as far off as 
ever from both Northern India and each other, 
■ftwik Railways would remedy the evil, and Lord Dal- 
u^7 housie was bent on introducing them. He planned 
a trunk system which in the present day unites the 
three Presidencies, and connects them with the north- 
west frontier. He induced railway companies to 
undertake the construction, by giving a government 
guarantee of five per cent, interest per annum on 
the outlay ; and before he left India three experi- 
mental lines were already in progress, namely, one 
from Calcutta, a second from Bombay, and a third 
from Madras. Such was the origin of the three great 
railways of India, namely, the " East Indian," which 
runs through Northern India ; the " Great Indian 
Peninsula," which runs through the Deccan ; and the 
" Madras railway," which runs through Southern 
Teleftraph Between 1853 and 1855 the telegraph system was 
1868-M. constructed, which electrified Europeans and awakened 
the Asiatics from the torpor of ages. Madras and 
Bombay could talk with all the great cities of 
Northern India, and Rangoon was placed in tele- 
graphic communication with Lahore and Peshawar. 
Unfortunately there was only one line of wires from 
Allahabad to Delhi, and when the wires were cut by 
the sepoy mutineers of 1857, communication was cut 
off. This incident, however, belongs to the Hgime 
of Lord Dalhousie's successor. 
Gtngu In 1854 the Ganges canal, the greatest work of 
Tssi. irrigation ever accomplished, was completed by Sir 
Proby Cautley and opened by Lord Dalhousie. The 
British nation has never realised this grand under- 


Rise to Asiatic Power. 175 

taking of the old East India Company. It receives chaf. iv, 
the water on the lower slope of the Himalayas, and 
runs along the Doab, or high lands between the 
Jumna and Ganges, throwing out distributaries at 
intervals. About eighty miles to the south-east of 
Delhi it separates into two branches, one flowing 
into the Ganges at Cawnpore, and the other flowing 
into the Jumna near Etawah. The whole length of 
the canal and branches for navigation is 614 miles ; 
the length of the distributaries for irrigation is 
3,111 miles. 

§ 12. Lord Dalhousie was so convinced of the ADuexk- 
superiority of British administration, that he con- pou^. 
sidered every opportunity should be taken for bringing 
the territories of feudatory princes under British rule. 
Hitherto it had been the policy of the East India 
Company to perpetuate the dynasties of its feuda- 
tories. If a feudatory prince was without a son, 
he was advised by the British Resident to adopt one. 
But Hindu princes shrink from the idea of adopting 
a son. It is often as difficult to persuade a Raja to 
adopt as it used to be to persuade Englishmen to 
make wills. He puts it oflf with some vague inten- 
tion of marrying another wife, which he is permitted 
to do under Hindu law when the first wife is barren. 
Accordingly Hindu princes often die without leaving 
any son whatever, real or adopted. Under such 
circumstances the widow was permitted to adopt a 
boy, and the East India Company pennitted this 
boy to succeed to the principality. 

Adoption, however, is purely a religious ceremonial QoMtion 
It is the outcome of the religious belief of the Hindus •doption. 
that when a man dies his eoul goes to a sort of 


176 India under Bbitish RnLE. 

CHAP. IT. pulsatory until his sins are washed away ; and that 
during this interval it is the duty of a son, real or 
adopted, to offer cakes and water to refresh the soul 
in question. The East India Company accepted the 
adoption as giving a claim to the principality, because 
it settled the succession when a natural heir was 
wanting. Lord Dalhousie decided that the adoption 
gave no claim to the principality, but only to the 
personal property of the deceased feudatory, because 
he was anxious to bring the territory under British 
Sfttara The Court of Directors refused to accept the views 

Kagpore. of Lord Dalhousie in the case of " protected allies," 
such as Sindia, Holkar, and the princes of Rajputana. 
But they accepted his views as regards " dependent 
principalities," such as Satara and Nagpore, which had 
been created, or artificially resuscitated, by the Marquis 
of Hastings, and in which the Hindu rulers had turned 
out very badly. Accordingly, Nagpore and Satara 
became British territory, and were brought under 
British administration. 

JhanBiin A chiefship in Bundelkund, known as Jhansi, was 
k^d. also annexed to the British empire. The chiefs and 
princes of Bundelkund were situated far away to the 
south of the river Jumna. They were cut off by hills 
and jungles from the civilising influences of British 
rule, and retained much of the lawlessness and anarchy 
of the eighteenth century. The chief of Jhansi died 
without leaving any heir, real or adopted. The widow 
was allowed to adopt a son for the ofFering of cakes 
and water, but not allowed to adopt a successor to the 
principality, and the territory accordingly lapsed to 
the British government, and was brought under 
British administration. The widow was very angry. 


Rise to Asiatic Powee. 177 

She had expected to rule Jhanai aa queen regent ; but cfap it. 
a Hindu lady brought up in the seclusion of a zenana 
cannot always be trusted with the irresponsible powers 
of a despot. She yielded to her fate, but it will be 
seen hereafter that she bottled up her wrath and 
waited for revenge. 

Since Lord Dalhoasie's time the controversy as ObMieu 
regards adoption has become obsolete. The right of troven;. 
adoptiug a son, who should not only offer cakes and 
water to the soul of the deceased, but succeed him in 
the government of the principality, has been distinctly 
recognised by the British government. Meanwhile 
the aspect of the question has entirely changed. In 
the days of Lord Dalhousie few, if any, of the Indian 
feudatories of the British government showed any 
signs of progress. In the present day the heirs to 
principalities are taught in schools and colleges, and 
are learning something of India and the great world 
around them by the help of railways and telegraphs. 
It is therefore to be hoped that a day may yet 
dawn when British systems of administration may be 
worked in every feudatory state in India by trained 
Asiatic officials. 

Last of all, liOrd Dalhousie annexed the Moham- Eicep- 
medan kingdom of Oudh to the British empire. This i^uon 
was an exceptional measure, having nothing whatever "''^*"'- 
to do with the Hindu usage of adoption. The Nawab 
of Oudh had assumed the title of " king," but had 
degenerated under British protection into an Oriental 
ruler of the worst possible type. His kingdom was 
parcelled out amongst a landed aristocracy, known as 
talukdars, who were half landlords and half revenue 
collectors, like the zemindars of Bengal Every 
talukdar of position had a fortress of his own, with 


178 India dndbh British Rule. 

cH*p. IV. a garrison and guna. He collected rents from the 
ryots, but paid little or do revenue to the king's 
officers, unless compelled by force of arms. The ting 
lived secluded in hia palaces at Lucknow, surrounded 
by greedy and corrupt officials, immersed in Oriental 
pleasures, ignorant of what was going on outside his 
capital, yet maintaining a rabble army, which was 
either in mutiny for want of pay, or plundering the 
villages for bare necessaries. A British Resident was 
appointed to Lucknow, but he could only interfere 
by way of advice, remonstrance, or warning. A 
British force was stationed in Oudh, under the 
direction of the Resident, but only for the main- 
tenance of the public peace, and not for interference 
in the administration. Deposition of the king would 
have done no manner of good, for there was not 
a prince of the family capable of governing the 
country in his room. It was thus impossible to 
maintain the dynasty without sacrificing the in- 
terests of ten millions of population whom the 
British government was bound to protect. At last, 
in 1856, the territory of Oudh was annexed to 
the British empire, and brought under British 

India Bill § 13. In 1853 the last charter of the East India 
niwawi Company, which had been granted in 1833 for a 
Serrioe. ^gj-^j gf tweuty ycaTS, was brought to a close. 
Parliament refused to renew the charter, but declined 
as yet to abolish the Company, and meanwhile 
carried out some constitutional changes. It placed 
the Indian civil service on a national basis, by 
abolishing the system of nomination by the Court 
of Directors, and introducing the system of 


Rise to Asiatic Powee. 179 

competitive examinations, which was eventually chat^". 
thrown open to aU British subjects — Asiatic as 
well as European. 

In like manner Parliament broadened the supreme New u- 
government of India by creating a new legislative ^lun^i 
council. The Governor-General in Council continued 
to exercise supreme control over the executive. At 
the same time this executive council was formed 
into a legislative council by the addition of repre- 
sentative members ; namely, the chief justice and 
one puisne judge of the Supreme Court at Calcutta, 
and one representative member from each of the 
four presidencies, namely, Madras, Bombay, Bengal, 
and the North-West Provinces. 

§ 14. The legislative council was opened in 1854. Constitn- 
It was the first germ of representative government ^^ 
in India. Lord Dalhousie introduced parliamentary 
forma, and the debates were conducted with a spirit 
which recommended them to the attention of the 
Indian public, official and non-official, Asiatic and 
European. The Governor-General and executive 
council exercised a veto on the introduction of bills. 
But four Indian civilians represented the govern- 
ments of four presidencies, and the judges of the 
Supreme Court represented, more or less, the interests 
of the public outside official circles. Moreover, 
although the Asiatic populations had no voice in 
the debates, they were enabled to express their 
objections in the form of petitions, which were duly 
considered by the committees of the council on the 
several bills. In a word, the legislative council of 
India, imperfect as it may have been, was an 
advance in the development of constitutional 


180 India umder British Rdlb. 

CHAP. IT, government of India, and will accordingly be brought 
under review in the concluding chapter. 

Mitc«ni»y The new legislative council brought to light 
"pemu" Lord Macaulay's draft of a Penal Code, which had 
*^"" been shelved for nearly twenty years. The delay, 
however, had not been without its advantages. 
Mr. {now Sir Barnes) Peacock, took charge of the 
bill under which the Code became law, and subjected 
its clauses to a careful revision. Moreover, the re- 
presentative civilians from the four presidencies 
and two judges of the Supreme Court at Calcutta, 
had opportunities for discussing any or every clause 
from local and imperial points of view, which could 
scarcely fail to adapt the Penal Code to all parts of 
British India. 

Choraoter. The Penal Code had evidently been drafted in 

the'tode. Lord Macaulay's best style. It was eminently clear 
and concise, free from redundancies and repetitions, 
and singularly happy in the definitions of offences 
and law terms. It embodies illustrations, as well as 
explanations, of every conceivable offence known to 
criminal law. Consequently, no educated individual, 
Asiatic or European, who refers to the Penal Code, 
can possibly make any mistake as regards the 
criminal law in British India, It did not, however, 
take effect until 1860. Meanwhile events transpired 
which opened up an entirely new era in the progress 
of Great Britain as an Asiatic power. 

Lord § 15. In 1856 Lord Dalhousie leff India for ever. 
^k^Tw" He had alarmed Anglo-Indians of the old school by 
^im ^'^ energetic promotion of moral and material pro- 
gress without regard to the ignorance or prejudices 
of the Asiatic populations ; but besides his grander 


Rise to Asiatic Power. 181 

meaaureB, he carried out a thousand and one Bmaller chap. iv. 
reforms which to this day are felt and appreciated 
by Asiatics as well as by Europeans. It was Lord 
Dalhousie who introduced cheap postage ; who caused 
Calcutta to be lit with gas ; who purified the south- 
west breezes of fever and malaria by clearing the 
jungles of the Sunderbunds ; who sat by the cradle 
of the new legislative council of 1854, and thus 
nourished the earliest germ of representative govern- 
ment which British rule had planted in India. In 
a word, Lord Dalhousie prepared the way for that 
great measure which will be told in a future chapter, 
namely, the transfer of the government of India 
from the East India Company to the British Crown. 

§ 16. Lord Canning succeeded Lord Dalhousie in Lord 

War with 

again laid siege to Herat, as she had done in 1837 ; isee-?. 
but the British government had come to an under- 
standing with old Dost Mohammed of Cabul, and 
had given him money and arms. A mission was 
sent to Candahar under Major {now Sir Peter) 
Lumsden. A British expedition was sent to the 
Persian Gulf under Sir James Outrara, and captured 
Bushire. Eventually Persia withdrew her preten- 
sions as regards Herat, and peace was concluded 
in March, ZB57. 

Meanwhile the status of the so-called king of sutuBof 
Delhi, the relic of the Great Mogul, was under "ting" 
consideration. For more than half a century the ^'^^^i* 
family had lived in a palace at Delhi on a yearly 
pension from the British government. There was 
much marrying and giving in marriage, and the 


182 India under British Rule. 

CHAP. IV. palace was a hive of princes and princesses without 
Proposed any apparent occupation save that of petitioning for 
from increased pensions. Lord Ellenborough contemplated 
removing the family from Delhi, but the measure 
was postponed. At laat Lord Dalhousie took action. 
The so-called king was very old, and could not live 
many years. Lord Dalhousie recognised a grandson 
as successor to the pageant throne, on the condition 
that when the old king died, the whole family should 
clear out of Delhi and take up their abode in a royal 
residence some miles off, known as the Kutub. 
PaUce This design was frustrated. The old king had 
gttre. jjjgppjg^ ^ young wife, and she had a son, and she 
determined that her son should be king. The 
grandson, who had been recognised by Lord 
Dalhousie, died suddenly ; it was said that she 
had poisoned him. Lord Canning ignored her son, 
and recognised a brother of the dead prince as heir 
to the title, on the same conditions. Henceforth 
the queen, like the princess of Jhanai, bottled up 
her wrath and waited for revenge. 
Land Lord Canning, however, was somewhat uneasy 
^*lJX'a^"t Oudh. A British administration had been 
introduced under a chief commissioner, with com- 
missioners of divisions and deputy commissioners of 
districts, but nothing was done to reconcile the 
talukdars in the provinces to the change of rule. 
On the contrary, a land settlement was introduced 
corresponding to that which had been effected in the 
North-West Provinces. But half a century had 
elapsed since the acquisition of the North-West 
Provinces. Meanwhile the talukdars of Oudh had 
ceased to be mere middle men, and had grown into 
landed proprietors ; whilst the rights of village 


Ri8E TO Asiatic Power. 183 

proprietors, individual or joint, had been ignored chap. iv. 
or stamped out by the new landlords. 

The early British administrators settled the revenue Dwaffw 
direct with the villagers, and told the talukdars that taiukiUw. 
their claims to proprietorship, if they had any, would 
be considered hereafter, or might be settled in the 
law courts. Under such cool treatment the talukdars 
of Oudh might well be disafFected towards their new 
British rulers. Rightly or wrongly, by long posses- 
sion, or by recent usurpation, they had become de 
/acto landlords, and under the new system they 
flaw their estates transferred to their tenants. Early 
in 1857, however. Sir Henry Lawrence was appointed 
chief commissioner' of Oudh, and he was expected 
to reconcile all parties. 

Strange to say, the villagers of Oudh, who had imagined 
profited so much by the new land settlement, had ""ou^h" 
a secret grievance of their own which no one seems ^' '^"' 
to have suspected. They held their lands on better 
terms than their fathers or grandfathers, but many 
families had lost position in the eyes of their 
neighbours. For generations Oudh had been the 
chief recruiting ground for the Asiatic soldiery of the 
Bengal army; and under Mohammedan rule every 
sepoy was the great man of his family, and indeed 
the patron of his native village. If any viUager 
had a grievance, he applied to the sepoy, and the 
sepoy applied to his British officer, and his petition 
was forwarded to the British Resident at Lucknow ; 
and the Mohammedan court was too anxious to 
please the Resident to make any difficulty about 
redressing wrongs so strongly supported, whatever 
might have been the abstract merits of the case. 
When, however, the king was replaced by a chief 


India under British Kule. 

. commissioner, the sepoy was referred to a British 
courts for justice, and was no better off than his 
neighbom^ This loss of privilege and prestige 
rankled in the heart of sepoys from Oudh, and they 
began to look upon annexation as a wrong done to 
themselves, although they had not, and could not 
have, any sympathies for the deposed king. 

Such was the state of affairs in India when the 
storm of 1857 was about to burst upon Hindustan, 
which was to shake British power in Northern India 
to its very foundations, and sweep away the East 
India Company for ever. The outbreak was 
hardly felt in the older presidencies of Bengal, 
Madras, or Bombay, nor in the Punjab or Pegu, 
nor in Nagpore or Satara, the provinces recently 
annexed without conquest, nor, with few exceptions, 
in the feudatory states under British suzerainty. The 
main fury of the storm was spent on Oudh and the 
North-West Provinces ; and the significance of this 
localisation wiU appear in the after history. 





S 1. European soldUra and Asiatic sepojB. $ 2. Three Biitiih armiea in 
India : Benjjal, Bombay, and Mnilms. S 3. Sepoj Bimy of Bengal : 
Brahmana anil Bajputs. § t. EnSeld cartridges : general hoiTor of 
pork ; Hindu worshiji of the cow. § 6. Aptation of the iepoys at 
BarraclcpoTB. g6. First mutiny againat the cartridges! Berhampore. 
9 7. Sccoud mutiuy : Barrackpore. S 3. Oudb ; mutiny at Lncknon : 
■Qppressed. g9. Mutiny and massacre at Meerut. g 10. Mohauimedan 
nvolt and mansacre at Delhi : general exdtement. g 11. British adTuive 
from the Panjiib to DelhL 9 12. Siege of Delhi by Europeans, Sikhs, 
and Ghorkas. g 13. Punjab and Jehu I^wrence : antagonism between 
Sikhs nod Uohanitni^dans. g H. Sepoy plots at Lahore and Hian Hir : 
qmshed. glS. Peshavrar and frontier mountnin tribes. glB. Execution 
of sepoj matineers at Peshawar. gl7. Brigadier John Nicholson: 
worshipped by a Sikh brotherhood, g IS. Proposed withdrawal from 
Peshawar. glB. Haliny at Sealkote : wholesale eiecations. g 20. Siege 
and storm of Delhi, September 1857 : peace in the North- WeaL 

It is a common saying that " India is held by nBAr.-r. 
the sword;" but the phrase is misleading, and in Military 
one direction it is absolutely untrue. The British indi*. 
avmy is not maintained to livet a foreign yoke on 
the subject populations. Its main duty has been 
to keep the peace between rival princes, to put down 
fighting between antagonistic religions, and to protect 
India against foreign aggression. 

§ 1. The small number of European troops in 1857 Paucity of 
proves that India waa free. In the Bengal provinces, ^oj*" 
which cover a larger area than Great Britain and 


India under Bbitish Kulb. 

Ireland, and a denser population, there were scarcely 
any European troops. A single regiment sufficed to 
garrison Calcutta ; and of this regiment one wing was ' 
quartered in Fort William within the city, whilst the 
other wing was quartered in Dumdum arsenal, seven 
miles off. With this exception, there were no 
European troops within 400 miles of Calcutta. One 
European regiment was quartered at Dinapore, to the 
westward of Patna, and auother at Rangoon, in the 
newly-acquired province of Pegu. There was also a 
European regiment at Lucknow in Oudh, and two 
European regiments at Meerut in the North-West 
Provinces, about forty miles from Delhi, and a 
thousand miles from Calcutta. But the bulk of the 
European regiments in India were quartered in the 
Punjab, the frontier province on the north-west. 
This frontier is the only vulnerable side of India, It 
faces Afghanistan ; but it also faces a possible com- 
bination of European and Asiatic powers, which may 
some day menace the British empire in India. 
.r The army of the East India Company was mainly 
' composed of native soldiers, known as sepoys. The 
term " native," however, is equivocal, and sepoys are 
best called Asiatics, to distinguish tliem from British 
soldiers, who are known in India as Europeans, They 
were formed into regiments corresponding to Euro- 
pean battalions, and were drilled and commanded by 
European officers corresponding to regimental officers 
in Her Majesty's army. Each regiment had also an 
Asiatic staff of sepoy officers, known as naiks, 
havildars, jemadars, and subahdars — corresponding 
to corporals, sergeants, lieutenants, and captains. 
Such regiments were known as "regulars," 

In 1857 the regular army of the East India 


Sepoy Revolt: Bengal, Delhi, Punjab. 187 

Company comprised in round numbere about 200,000 ckap. t. 
Asiatics, commanded by 4,000 European officers, and *""?. 
about 4o,000 British-born soldiers. But the European 
regiments were not all taken from Her Majesty's 
service. The East India Company had enlisted nine 
European regiments for exclusive service in India, 
who were known as Fusiliers and Locals. Moreover, 
in addition to the regular sepoys, there were battaUons 
known as irregulars, because they had fewer regi- 
mental European officers. They were raised specially 
for service in particular provinces, and also for 
service in the contingent and subsidiary forces 
maiutained by feudatory states under existing 

The sepoy army had been the pride and glory of Tried 
the East India Company for more than a hundred ^'^^'tJ- 
years. It won its first laurels in the old wars against 
the French in Southern India ; and from the battle 
of Plassy in 1757, to the dawn of 1857, it had shared 
the triumph of the British army in building up the 
Anglo-Indian empire. For perfection of discipline, and 
fidelity to their European officers, the sepoys might 
for many years have been favourably compared with 
the soldiers of any continental army. Hindus and 
Mohammedans fought side by side with Europeans, 
and one and all were bound together by that brother- 
hood in arms, which grows up between soldiers of all 
races and climes who have been under fire together in 
the same campaign. 

On the parade-ground and on the battle-field all No reli- 
difierences of race, caste, and religion were for the Unotionfl. 
moment forgotten. Together, sepoys and soldiers 
fought, not only against the French, but against 
Nawabs and SulCans who were Mohammedans, and 


India, under British Eule. 

. against Mahrattaa and Rajaa who were Hindus. 
Together, they had crossed the Indus and the Sutlej 
to fight againat Afghans and Sikhs ; climbed the 
shelves and precipices of the Himalayas to punish 
the aggressions of the Ghorkas of Nipal ; and as- 
cended the waters of the Irrawaddy to chastise the 
arrogance of Burmese kings. When the sepoys were 
called out by the British magistrate to repress riots 
between Hindus and Mohammedans, they put their 
religion into their pockets and fired with the utmost 
impartiality on both parties, although in their hearts 
they must have sympathised with one side or the 
other. But the pride of the sepoy, whether Hindu 
or Mohammedan, was to be " faithful to his salt " — 
in other words, to be loyal to the master from whom 
he drew his pay. 

But sepoys have ways of their own which Euro- 
peans cannot always understand, unless they have 
served with them shoulder to shoulder, and listened 
patiently and considerately to the outpourings of 
their grievances. A sepoy is proud of his corps, 
jealous for its reputation, and respectful to his officers. 
Hindus of the higher castes, such as Brahmans and 
Rajputs, and Mohammedans of noble and ancient 
families, are alike amenable to British discipline. 
But sepoys can be stung to insubordination by 
insult or injustice, like soldiers of other races. Sepoys 
have been known to sacrifice caste prejudices to help 
European officers in time of need, but they resented 
needless interference or looks of scorn with the sullen 
pride of Orientals. At Vellore, in 1806, the Madras 
sepoys were driven to mutiny by the contemptuous 
orders of the military authorities as regards caste 
marks and turbans, and above all by the jeers of the 


Sepoy Rbvolt : Bengal, Delhi, Punjab. 

Mysore princes, who taunted them witli becoming i 
Christians. Yet during the first Cabul war and 
other distant campaigns, sepoys often forgot their 
caste in eases of emergency, and cheerfully obeyed 
orders which they would have resented in their 
own country, or in the presence of inconvenient 

Injustice again, real or imagined, is as intolerable HaUny at 
to sepoys as it is to children. More than once a t^ 
regiment has been deprived of batta, or field allow- 
ances, under circumstances which kindled a burning 
sense of wrong. This batta is given during service 
in foreign territory, but is withdrawn after the return 
of the sepoys to British territory. Thus, sepoys who 
had borne the brunt of the wars in Sind and the 
Punjab, were suddenly deprived of batta when those 
countries became British provinces, and naturally 
rebelled against- what must have appeared to them 
a crying injustice. The sepoy complained that he 
had helped to conquer Sind for the East India 
Company, and was then punished by the loss of 
batta. The paymaster pointed to the regulations, 
but the result was disaffection amounting to 

Under such circumstances there was no alternative DubMd. 
but disbandment. There can be no pardon for 
mutineers, yet capital punishment, or even a long 
term of imprisonment, would be needlessly severe in 
dealing with ignorant sepoys. As it was, their doom 
was terrible in the eyes of their fellows. In a 
moment they were deprived of all hope of pension, 
which secured to every sepoy, a life provision in his 
native village when age or infirmity compelled him 
to retire from the army. 


190 India under Baitish Rdle. 

CHAP. T. § 2. The Company's regular forces in India were 
Three formed into three distinct armies, namely, those of 
Bengal, or Bengal, Madras, and Bombay, and each army had its 
indi^ own commander-in-chief. The armies of Madras and 
Bombay were mostly recruited in their respective 
presidencies ; but the people of Bengal are not a 
fighting race, and the Bengal army was mostly re- 
cruited from the warlike populations of Oudh and 
the North-West Provinces. Again the Bengal army 
was not kept within the limits of the Bengal presi- 
dency, but was distributed over the whole of Northern 
India as far as the north-west frontier. It was 
consequently lai^er than the two other armies put 
together. It garrisoned Bengal, the North-West 
Provinces, and the newly-acquired provioces of Oudh 
and the Punjab ; whilst it overlooked, more or less, 
the Asiatic states to the south and west of the 
Jumna, including the principalities and chiefships of 
Rajputana, the territories of Sindia and Holkar, and 
the smaller domains of a host of minor feudatories. 
Bomb«7 The Bombay army garrisoned the Western Deccan 
Deecla ■ ^^*^ Sind, and the Madras army garrisoned Southern 
^"^ India and Pegu ; but neither of these armies played 
South, any prominent part in the great sepoy revolt of 1857- 
58. Some disaffection was shown in the Bombay 
army which was nearest to the Bengal sepoys, and 
caught something of the contagion. The Madras 
army was for the most part still further south ; 
and only one regiment caught the infection, and was 
promptly disbanded. 

HindM in § 3. The sepoy army of Bengal was mainly com- 

^^] posed of Hindus. Taking the averse strength of 

every regiment at 1,000 sepoys, there would be 800 


Sepoy Revolt : Bengal, Dklbi, Pcnjab. 19X 

Hindus and 200 Moliaminedaus ; and the antagonism chap. v. 
between the two religions was supposed to secure an 
additional safeguard against mutiny or disaffection. 

High caste was the main characteristic of the High 
Hindu sepoys in the Bengal army. Of the 800 Brahmaiia 
Hindus in every regiment, about 400 were Brahmans, k^qib. 
the sacred ca.ste of India, who claim to be gods, and 
are supposed to be endowed with supernatural 
powers. Next to the Brahmans were about 200 
Rajputs, the royal caate of India, who claim to be 
" sons of Rajas," and are soldiers by birth as well as 
calling. The remaining 200 Hindus were men of low 
caste, who were regarded as inferior bcinga The 
Brahmans were powerful over all, and were wor- 
shipped by the Rajputs as well as by the low 

Pride of caste was thus the moving spirit of the Digdpiine 
Bengal army. This, however, was not perceptible on 
the parade ground or field of battle, except in the 
lofty mien, haughty bearing, and splendid physique 
of the men. The Bengal sepoys were taller on 
the average than any European armies, excepting 
perhaps the Russian guard,^ On duty the Brahman 
and Rajput obeyed the word of command when 
given by a low caate sepoy officer. Off duty, the 
low caate sepoy officer prostrated himself in token 
of worship before the Brahman soldier under his 

But pride of caste had its disadvantages, and for Growing 
years the Bengal sepoys had displayed a laxity of Ji^hm 
discipline, and a spirit of insubordination towards bL^i 
their European officers, which had been unknown "«P°J* 

> EnglUh and India, by M. E. deYalbezen, late ConBul-Oeneral 
at Cftlcatta, Minister Plenipotentiary. 


192 India under British Rule. 

CHAP. T. in the older days. They had been pampered and 
humoured to an extent which diminished their 
efficiency, and many officers of experience lamented 
the change. But any report to that effect wae 
naturally oflFensive to the higher military autho- 
rities ; and those who were moat alive to the 
growing evil found that it was best for their own 
interests to keep their opinion to tliemselves. 
Cfticntta. It has been seen that Calcutta was garrisoned by 
b!^»^' a single regiment of Europeans, one wing being 
BOTh^- quartered in Fort WiUiam and the other in the 
P*"^ arsenal at Dumdum, about seven miles off. Nine 
miles north of Dumdum, and sixteen miles north 
of Calcutta, is the pleasant station of Barrackpore, 
where the Governor-General has a park and country 
mansion, and where four sepoy regiments were 
cantoned with their European officers, but without 
European troops. About 100 miles still further 
north is the station of Berhampore, hard by the 
old capital of Murshedabad ; and here a regiment 
of sepoy infantry was posted, with half a regiment 
of sepoy cavabry and a battery of sepoy artillery. 
Sepovhau A sepoy regiment in the Bengal army was cantoned 
* ""in ten rows of huts, a company of 100 sepoys in each 
row. The arms and ammunition of each company 
were kept in a circular magazine in the front of each 
line. The European officers, with or without wives 
and families, lived round about in one-storied houses 
with thatched roofe, known as bungalows. The Euro- 
pean officers rarely visited the sepoy lines during the 
heat of the day, but two European sergeants were 
appointed to each regiment to lodge close to the lines 
and report all that was going on. 


Sepoy Revolt : Bengal, Delhi, Punjab. 193 

§4. In 1856 the Ruasian war was over, and the chap, t, 
Enfield rifle, which had heen used with such succeBS iMeid 
in the Crimea, was introduced into Iiidia, Accord- mimkBtry 
ingly three muaketry schools were established in d^^^* 
Northern India for teaching the aepoys of the Bengal Meenit, 
army the use of the new rifle. One school was estab- SoOkoto 
lished at Dumdum for the instruction of the sepoys 
in the Bengal presidency ; another at Meerut, forty 
miles from Delhi, for those in the North- Western 
Provinces ; and the third at Sealkote for those in the 
Punjab. Under this arrangement, detachments from 
the difi'erent regiments were to be sent from time to 
time to one or other of these schools until the whole 
Bengal army was familiar with the use of the Enfield. 
It will be seen hereafter that the three most danger- 
ous mutinies in India grew out of these musketry 

In those days every sepoy and soldier had been Oceued 
accustomed for generations to bite off" the end ^' 
of his paper cartridge before loading his musket. 
Accordingly a supply of cartridges for the new rifle 
was received from England, and forwarded to each of 
the three schools, and further supplies of the same 
pattern were manufactured in the arsenal at Dumdum 
by low-easte workmen known as Lascars. Suddenly 
it leaked out that the new cartridges were greased 
with the fat of cows, or with the fat of pigs. Thus 
every Hindu sepoy who bit the cartridge would lose 
his caste and religion as if he had eaten beef ; whilst 
every Mohammedan sepoy would be polluted by con- 
tact with pork, and not only lose his religion, but 
be barred out for ever from the heaven of celestial 

A Lascar employed in Dumdum arsenal met a 


194 India under Beitish Rule. 

CHAP. V. Brahman sepoy going to Barrackpore, and asked him 
DiacoTeiy for a drink of water out of his braas lotah. This was 
Dnmdiun. an unusual request, intended to vex and annoy the 
Brahman. A thirsty low-caste Hindu might ask a 
high-caste man to pour water into his mouth, but 
would not offend the Brahman by the bare sugges- 
tion of drinking out of his lotah. The Brahman 
turned away in disgust at the idea of low-caste lips 
polluting his drinking-cup. The Lascar retorted that 
the Brahman would soon be as impure as himself, 
for he would bite the new cartridges which had 
been smeared with the fat of cows and pigs, and 
would lose caste altogether. 
Horror or The Biuhman was thunderstruck at this taunt. 
^Md"^ Europeans who have never visited India can scarcely 
m^!^ realise the horrors that must have seized on his 
Brahmaniaed imagination. Suet and lard are such 
^miliar ingredients in European cookery, that do one 
in the British Isles could have been surprised at their 
being used for greasing Enfield cartridges. But to 
Europeans that have lived in India, the bare fact 
that cartridges should have been greased with suet or 
lard, to be bitten by Hindu or Mohammedan sepoys, 
seems a mad freak of fortune which is altogether 
incomprehensible. In the fierce antagonism between 
the two religions, Hindus have thrown dead pigs 
into Mohammedan mosques, and Mohammedans have 
thrown slaughtered cows into Hindu temples ; but 
the British government stood on neutral ground. It 
had always professed to hold an even balance between 
the two religioniats, and any attempt to destroy the 
caste of Hindus, or the religion of Mohammedans, 
was altogether foreign to the ideas of Asiatics or 


Sepoy Revolt: Bengal, Delhi, Punjab. 195 

It 18 easy to understand why both Hindus and chap. v. 
Mohammedans regard swine as unclean. The Jews Pigs 
have had the same horror of pigs and pork from time 
immemorial. To this day, both Hindus and Moham- 
medans shudder, or affect to shudder, at the idea of 
Europeans cleaning their teeth with brushes made of 
bristles ; and none but those of enlarged experiences, 
who have been Europeanised out of their religious 
prejudices, or smitten with a passion for European 
luxuries, would venture to eat a slice of ham. 

The cow is not more to Mohammedans than it is Cow 
to Europeans, but the Hindus worship it as a deity. 
Gratitude for the milk and butter which she gives 
to the family has swelled into aficction and adoration, 
which have invested a common-place animal with 
attributes that are at once mystic and divine. The 
cow is the living representative to the Hindu of all 
that is beautiful and spiritual in women, and of all 
that is mysterious in the sex. The cow is the 
incarnation of the earth, the mother of all things, 
the goddess of good fortune, the living manifestation 
of Lakshmi ; she who was created by the gods, who 
descended from the heaven of Indra and churned the 
ocean, until the bright goddess rose out of the waves, 
like a Hindu Aphrodite, to become the wife of the 
supreme spirit, Vishnu. To kill a cow is a sacri- 
legious crime, like killing a Brahman, a woman, or a 
Raja. To taste the flesh of a cow is as revolting 
to the Hindu imagination as tasting the flesh of a 

Eating or tasting beef through the most distant Eatjng 
medium is a mortal sin in the eyes of Hindus. Under mortaisiD 
Hindu rule, when the caste system was enforced by 
village communities, the vile sinner was driven from 


196 India under BftirisH Eule. 

CHAP, V. his wife, family, kinsfolk, and village by the ban of 
Brahmanical excommunication. In the dayB of Mo- 
hammedan persecutions, thousands of Hindus were 
compelled to swallow shreds of beef by tyrants of the 
stamp of Tippu Sultan of Mysore, in order to force 
them to become Mohammedans. There was no way 
of escape. They had no alternative but to accept Islam, 
marry a Mohammedan wife, and enter a new life and 
career with a new home and surroundings.^ 

Eieiu- § 5. The ball set rolling from the arsenal at 
BaiTsck- Dumdum soon assumed monstrous dimensions in the 
^°'^' cantonment at Barrackpore. The sepoys blindly 
accepted the conclusion that Her Majesty the Queen 
and Lord Canning had an-anged a secret scheme for 
converting them all to •Christianity. The greased 
cartridges, they decided, must have been manu- 
factured expressly to destroy their religion ; to 
compel them to become Christians, and to eat beef 
and drink beer until they became as strong as 
Europeans, and were able to conquer Persia, 
Russia, and China. Wild fictions, the outcome of 

' During the first Cafaul war of 1839—42, Hindu Bepojs were 
takea priaouers by the Afghans, and Bubjeoted to a similar 
process in order to convert them to Islam. Bat times 
had changed since the establishment of British supremacy. 
Money would expiate any spiritual crime, or purchase &ny 
pardon or privilege from the Brahmans. When the prisoners 
returned to India they received back pay from the British 
government for the whole term of their captivity. Accordingly, 
after a long series of abstruse calculations, the Brahmans dis> 
covered that this back pay would exactly meet the cost of ex- 
piation. But the sepoys refused the bait. They preferred 
keeping the back pay in their pockets, and remaining within the 
fold of Islam. What became of their Hindu wives and families 
LB a mystery to this day. 


Sepoy Revolt : Bengal, Delhi, Pcnjab. 197 

Oriental imaginatioiis which would not have imposed chap, y. 
upon a European child, were greedily accepted and 
talked over as matters of fact, by the ignorant and 
credulous sepoya. India, it was said, was being 
bound in iron fetters by railway lines and telegraph 
wires ; and now the poor sepoy was to be cut oflF 
from his countrymen and co-religionists, and to 
become the helpless vassal of his European masters, 
like the genii who are slaves to magicians and 

These ridiculous stories soon reached the ears of Fraitisu 
the European officers. General Heaxsey, who com- "Xn»." 
manded the Calcutta division, assembled the 
sepoys on the parade ground at Barrackpore, and 
reminded them that the British government had 
never meddled with their religion or caste, and had 
heavily punished any European officer who had 
attempted to do bo. But his words were thrown away ; 
the brains of the sepoys were too heated, and their 
convictions too deeply rooted, to be explained away. 
For months they had been discussing the expedition 
sent from Bombay to the Persian Gulf to defeat the 
designs of Russia on Herat ; and now there was to 
be a war with China I The general might say what 
he pleased, but the British government had obviously 
manufactured the greased cartridges to destroy the 
caste of the poor sepoys, to make them eat beef and 
drink beer until they were strong enough to conquer 
the world. 

The sepoys at Barrackpore were bewildered and ?*'^' 
terrified. ITiey were too afraid to speak, and began diwinn. 
to set houses on fire. The suspicious telegraph office, 
the magic house at Barrackpore, was burnt down. 
Other buildings followed. The agitation was reported 


198 India under British Rule. 

CHAP. V. to the military authorities at Calcutta. The com- 
position of the cartridge was explained to the sepoys. 
The drill was changed, and the sepoys were no longer 
required to bite the cartridge. But nothing would 
stop the panic. The sepoys argued with severe logic 
that if the cartridges had not been greased with the 
objectionable fat there would have been no occasion 
to change the drill. Eventually the issue of the 
greased cartridges waa stopped altogether, but the 
sepoys were as auspicious aa ever. As yet, however, 
there waa no open mutiny at Barrackpore. Discipline 
was maintained with the usual strictness, and the 
word of command was obeyed without demur. 
Barrackpore was too near Calcutta, too near the 
stronghold of British supremacy which had controlled 
Bengal for a hundred years, for the sepoy as yet to 
dream of open mutiny. 

Contagion § 6. Matters were at this pass when a small guard 
hlmpore. of scpoys was Sent on duty from Barrackpore to 
Berhampore, a hundred miles to the northward. 
Here, it will be remembered, was a regiment of sepoy 
infantry, half a regiment of sepoy cavalry, and a 
battery of sepoy artillery. The new arrivals from 
Barrackpore were duly feasted by their comrades of 
the sepoy infantry, and the whole story of the greased 
cartridges was told with all the latest embellishments 
of fiction. 
CariridgeB The next day, the 25th of February 1857, a parade 
for exercise with blank ammunition was ordered for 
the following morning. Blank cartridges were issued 
to the infantry of the same pattern that had been 
used for generations, but the sepoys refused to accept 
them. Colonel Mitchell waa in command of the 


Sepoy Revolt: Bengal, Delhi, Punjab. 199 

station, and threatened the men with court martial, chat^v. 
Accordingly the sepoys took the cartridges in gloomy 
silence and returned to their lines. 

In the middle of the night the regiment rose as iintiny. 
one man ; it was the 19th Native Infantry of the 
Bengal army. Every company seized anns and 
ammunition from its magazine, and then the whole 
regiment rushed out of the lines and shouted defiance. 
Colonel Mitchell had no European force to suppress 
the outbreak ; nothing but half a regiment of sepoy 
cavalry and the sepoy battery, and it was extremely 
doubtful whether the men would fire on the mutineers. 
However he ordered out the cavalry and battery, 
and advanced with his European officers towards 
the infantry lines by the light of torches. As he 
approached there was a halt and a pause. Tanks 
of water were in the way, and horses and guns might 
have been lost in the darkness. 

Neither side wished to take action. The mutineers ^S*""" 
shrank, as yet, from firing on their European officers. 
The sepoys, under Colonel Mitchell, might have 
refused to fire. The whole cantonment might have 
joined in the mutiny, and the civil stations in the 
country round about would have been in sore peril. 
So there was a parley. The colonel pointed out to 
the mutineers the absurdity of their fears and the 
enormity of their offence, and conjured them to give 
up their arms and return to their lines. The muti- 
neers, on their part, were not prepared to push 
matters to extremities. Their excitement had cooled 
down as they saw their European officers advancing 
with the Asiatic cavalry and artillery, whilst the lurid 
scenery was lit up by flaming torches. Accordingly 
it was arranged that they should return to their lines, 


200 India under British Rdlb. 

cHAP^-v. and that the force advancing against them should 
return to their own quarters. 

AUrm at The newB of this unexpected outbreak at Berham- 
pore naturally alarmed Lord Canning. He had much 
sympathy for the deluded and infatuated sepoys, but 
the mutiny could not be ignored. It was absolutely 
necessary to disband the regiment, but there was no 
European force to carry out the measure. Unless 
European soldiers were present, the sepoys might 
have resisted disbandment, and other sepoy regiments 
might have joined the mutineers. No soldieis could 
be spared from the European regiment which was 
quartered at Fort William and Dumdum. Accord- 
ingly steamers were sent to Burma to bring away 
the European regiment quartered at Rangoon. 

Sepoj § 7. On the 20th March the European regiment 
**™^ from Rangoon entered the Hughly river. The 19th 
Native Infantry was marched from Berhampore to 
Barrackpore, knowing that it was to be disbanded. 
At Barrackpore the sepoys were in a ferment. They 
felt that they were to be coerced by the European 
soldiers. It was not forgotten that some thirty 
years before, a sepoy regiment at Barrackpore had 
refused to go to Burma unless paid double batta, 
and had been scattered by a volley of grape, and its 
number erased from the army list. Accordingly the 
sepoys at Barrackpore had good reason to fear that 
they might be mowed down by the artillery unless 
they accepted the greased cartridges. 
Utuini Of the four sepoy regiments at Barrackpore, the 
^' 34th Native Infantry had the greatest cause for 
alarm. It was the 34th that furnished the sepoy 
guard which played so much mischief at Berham- 


Sepoy Revolt: Bengal, Delhi, Punjab. 201 

pore ; and the sepoys of the 34th openly expressed cbap. t. 
their sympathy with those of the 19th. About the 
end of March it was reported to Lieutenant Baugh, 
the Adjutant of the 34th, that the sepoys in his 
regiment were much excited, and that one of them, 
named Mungal Pandy, was marching through the 
lines with a loaded musket, calling on the sepoys to 
rise against their officers, and swearing to fire at the 
first European that appeared on the scene. 

Lieutenant Baugh at once put on his uniform, Agunlt on 
mounted his horse, and rode off to the parade ground bso^k 
with a pair of loaded pistols in his holsters. There 
was the quarter-guard of the regiment, consisting of 
twenty sepoys under the command of an Asiatic 
lieutenant, known as a jemadar. In front of the 
quarter-guard was the gun which fired the salutes at 
sunrise and noon. Mungal Pandy saw Baugh riding 
up, and got behind the gun, and deUberately fired at 
him. The horse was wounded and the rider was 
brought to the ground. Baugh, however, disengaged 
himself, snatched a pistol, and advanced on Mungal 
Pandy before the latter could reload his musket. 
Baugh fired and missed. At that moment Mungal 
Pandy rushed at him and cut him down with a 

The European serjeant-major of the regiment had Ontbreik 
fpUowed Baugh at a distance, and shouted to the gnt^- 
quarter-guard to help their officer. But the sepoys '"°* 
sympathised with Mungal Pandy, and the jemadar 
forbade them to stir. The seijeant-major came up 
breathless, and attempted to seize Mungal Pandy, 
but he too was struck down. On this the jemadar 
advanced with his twenty sepoysi and began to 
strike Baugh and the serjeant-major with the butt 


'102 India under Bbitish Rule. 

CHAP. V. ends of their muskets. At this moment a Moham- 
medan orderly, who had followed Baugh from his 
house, ran up and arrested Mungal Pandy just as 
he had reloaded his musket. He was followed by 
General Hearaey and other officers. The general 
drew a pistol from his belt and rode up to the 
quarter-guard, ordered the men to return to their 
post, and threateaed to shoot with his own hands 
the first sepoy who disobeyed orders. By this bold 
action the regiment was overawed, and the storm 
cloud passed away just as it was about to burst 
upon the station. 
Di»b«nd- Two days afterwards there was a solemn parade at 
Tsih"^ Barrackpore. All the European force available was 
.^"Ti assembled on the ground, including the regiment 
from Rangoon and a wing and two batteries from 
Dumdum- The 19th Native Infantry was marched 
into Barrackpore, repentant and ashamed. They had 
petitioned for forgiveness, bat there was no pardon 
for mutiny. The orders of Lord Canning were read 
aloud, setting forth their crime, exposing the absurdity 
of their fears, and ordering the disbandment. The 
men laid down their arms and marched away. The 
19th Native Infantry had ceased to be. 
Hedtn- For some weeks the 34th Native Infantry was not 
^'*^' disbanded. Mungal Pandy and the jemadar were tried, 
convicted, and hanged, but the plague of mutiny w^s 
not stayed. Not a sepoy would point out the men 
of the quarter-guard who assaulted the European 
officers. April, however, passed away, and nothing 
was done. 

DiMffec- § 8. Meanwhile there were unpleasant reports from 
Oudh" Oudh. Sir Henry Lawrence, the new chief com- 


Sepoy Revolt: Bengal, Delhi, Pdnjab. 203 

mUsioner, was anxious to redress the wrongs of the chaf. v. 
Oudh talukdara, but was vexed by the mutinous 
spirit of the sepoys. He had a single regiment of 
Europeans and two batteries of European artillery. 
He had to deal with four sepoy regiments of the 
Bengal army — three of infantry, and one of cavalry. 
Worst of all, he had to deal with irregular regiments 
of sepoys, who had been in the service of the king 
of Oudh, but had been taken over by the East India 
Company. They retained their Asiatic officers, but 
were drilled and commanded by a limited uumber of 
European ofBcere, and hence were termed irregulars. 
These Oudh irregulars sympathised with the regular 
Bengal sepoys, and were beginning to manifest a 
hostile spirit by refusing to accept the cartridges. 

In 1857 the province of Oudh was separated from sirHewy 
the North-West Provinces by the river Ganges and cbM^ 
the town of Cawnpore. The capital was at Lucknow, '^^^_' 
in the centre or heart of Oudh, about fifty-five miles 
to the north-eaet of Cawnpore. Sir Henry Lawrence, 
the chief commissioner, lived in a large mansion at 
Lucknow, which was known as the Eesidency. The 
city of Lucknow extends four miles along the right 
bank of the river Goomti, and all the principal buUd- 
ings, including the royal palaces and gardens, and 
the Residency, are situated between the city and 
the river. On the opposite bank were the British 
cantonments ; and two bridges over the river con- 
nected the city and Residency on the one bank with 
the cantonments on the opposite shore. 

On the afternoon of the 3rd of May a startling Mutmy 
event occurred in the cantonmenta Four sepoys of an Lucknow. 
irregular regiment entered the bungalow of the Euro- 
pean adjutant. They were armed to the teeth, and 


204 India ondee British Rdle. 

OHAP. T. they told him to prepiire for death. They had corae 
to kill him, they said, not because they disliked him, 
but because he was a European and a Feringhi. The 
adjutant was unarmed. He promptly replied that it 
was of no use to kill him, for that the mutiny would 
be suppressed, they would be hanged, and another 
adjutant would be appointed in his atead. The would- 
be murderers were struck by his words, and left the 
house without doing him any injury. 
Sapp»»- The news reached Sir Henry Lawrence in the 
L*^n«. evening, and he resolved to act at once. He crossed 
the river and called out the European forces and the 
four regiments of regular sepoys, and then advanced 
against the mutineers, whose lines were seven mOes 
off. The rebels were taken by surprise ; they could 
do nothing. They were ordered to form in firont of 
their lines, and they obeyed. They saw cavalry and 
infantry, soldiers and sepoys, on either side, and a 
battery of eight guns in front. They were ordered 
to lay down their arms, and they did so. The port- 
fires of the artillery were lighted. The mutineers 
were seized with a panic, and cried out, " Do not 
fire I " They then rushed madly away. The ring- 
leaders and most of their followers were arrested 
that night by the Bengal sepoys, and were confined 
pending trial It wdl be seen hereafter that within a 
single month, the very sepoy regiments that arrested 
the mutinous irregulars rose against their European 
officers. Meanwhile, however, the quick action of 
Sir Henry Lawrence prevented any premature ex- 
plosion, and gave him the month to prepare against 
the possible contingency. 

Next day the outbreak and suppression of the 
mutiny were telegraphed to Lord Canning at Calcutta. 


Sepo? Revolt : Bengal, Delhi, Punjab. 205 

He was delighted with the promptitude and prudence chap, t, 
of Sir Henry Lawrence. He saw the necessity for Dilwd- 
taking some decided action at Barrackpore. The ™s«h* 
European officers of the 34th Native Infantry re- ^^^ 
ported that the sepoys were disaflFected, and that 
they themselves had lost all confidence in the men. 
Accordingly Lord Canning determined to disband 
the regiment. On the 6th of May, at early morning, 
the Europeans were once again drawn up on the 
parade ground. The 34th Native Infantry was 
disbanded as the 19th had been five weeks before, 
but, unhke the sepoys of the 19th, they showed no 
signs of contrition. Still, it was hoped that the dis- 
bandment of the 34th would put an end to the mutiny. 

§ 9. So far the agitation was the work of the Bapoyn 
greased cartridges in Dumdum arsenal. But there ■"^ 
was a second school of musketry at Meerut in the at MMrat. 
North-West Provinces, a thousand miles from Calcutta 
and only forty miles from Delhi. The military 
cantonment at Meerut covered an area of five miles, 
and was the largest in India. At one end were the 
lines of three aepoy regiments, two of infantry and 
one of cavalry, whilst the bungalows of the European 
officers were scattered about. At the other end of 
the cantonment were the European barracks, in which 
a European force was quartered strong enough to 
have routed four times the number of sepoys. There 
was a regiment of Dragoon Guards, known as the 
Carabineers ; a battalion of the 60th Rifles ; two troops 
of horse artillery, and a light field battery. The 
European barracks were thus at a long distance from 
the sepoy cantonments, and the interval was occupied 
by shops, houses, and gardens. 


206 India under British Rule. 

CHAP, V. At Meerut there was to all appearance literally 

DiMffec- nothiDg to fear from the sepoys. The Europeans 
were all-powerful. Yet at Meerut the agitation 
against the greased cartridges was as uncontroll- 
able as elsewhere. General Hewitt commanded the 
station, and he and the colonels of the sepoy 
regiments expostulated with the men on the absur- 
dity of imagining that the British government had 
the slightest desire to interfere with their caste 
or religion. But their remonstrances were thrown 
away. Buildings were burnt down ; the sepoys left 
off saluting their officers ; and it was whispered that 
they had resolved never more to touch a single 

The test. At last General Hewitt determined to bring the 
sepoys to the test in the presence of the European 
force, and, if necessary, to stop the contagion by 
condign punishment. The regiment of sepoy cavahy 
was selected. A parade of ninety men of the several 
squadrons was ordered for the morning of the 6th of 
May. The old cartridges were issued, the same which 
had been used for generations, but eighty-five men 
stood out and refused to handle them. The delin- 
quents were arrested and tried by a court martial of 
sepoy officera They were all convicted of mutiny ; 
eighty were sentenced to imprisonment with hard 
labour for ten years, and the remaining five to a like 
imprisonment for sis years. All were recommended to 
the mercy of General Hewitt, but the recommendation 
was ignored, and it was determined to carry out the 
sentence at once in accordance with orders received 
by telegram from Lord Canning. 
Pwade for The mutineers were placed under a strong European 

^^^' guard, consisting of two companies of the 60th Rifles, 


Sepoy Revolt : Bengal, Delhi, Punjab. 207 

and twenty-five men of the Carabineers. The parade chap, v, 
for punishment was held at daybreak on Saturday the 
9th of May. The three regiments of sepoys were 
drawn up to behold the disgrace of the delinquents ; 
and the men of the sepoy cavalry also were brought 
out to look on the degradation of their comrades. 
The sepoys on parade must have felt their hearts 
burning within them, but they were powerless to 
save. The Carabineers and Rifles were on the ground, 
and were ordered to load and be ready. The bat- 
teries of artillery were in position, and received the 
same orders. The slightest movement of disaffection 
or revolt would have been followed by a terrible 
slaughter. Not a sepoy stirred from the ranks. The 
prisoners were brought on the ground, stripped of 
their uniforms and accoutrements, and put in irons. 
They were utterly broken in spirit. They put up 
their hands and cried for mercy, and were then led 
away, cursing their comrades for not coming to their 

Then followed an act of inconceivable folly. The FoUy aod 
eighty-five sepoys who had been kept for three days 
under a strong guard of European soldiers, were made 
over to the civil authorities, and lodged in the civil jail, 
only two miles from the sepoy cantonments, under the 
charge of Asiatic warders. The consequence was that 
the sepoys brooded over the fate of their comrades, and 
secretly determined on rescuing them from the jail, 
and murdering their European officers. 

Strange to say, not an idea of danger seems to have Sonday 
crossed the minds of the British authorities at Meerut. """""*■ 
The Europeans went to church on Sunday morning, 
lounged through the heat and languor of the day, 
and prepared for church in the evening. Meanwhile 


208 Indu undbe British Rule. 

CHAP. V. there had been agitation and excitement in the aepoy 
lines, but nothing to excite alarm. The native 
women of the bazaar taunted the sepoys of the cavalry 
with not having rescued their comrades, and that 
was all. 
Mntiny Suddenly, about five o'clock on that Sunday after- 
jjjgJJJ^ noon, the sepoys seized their arms and ammunition, 
and rushed out of their lines, with loud shouts and 
discharges of musketry. A detachment of sepoy 
cavalry galloped off to the jail, and liberated not 
only their eighty-five comrades, but all the other 
prisoners, 1,500 in number. The whole body then 
returned to the cantonment and joined the sepoys, 
who were burning down bungalows, and murdering 
every European they met, regardless of sex and age. 
Ladies riding in carriages, and officers driving in their 
bugles, who had left their homes without a suspicion 
of evil, were assaulted and fired at as they drove 
along. In a word, within a brief space of time the sepoy 
cantonments, and the roads round about, were a scene 
of riot, bloodshed, and outrage, which are beyond 
description. At last, fearing that the European 
soldiers would soon fall upon them, the whole mass 
of sepoys, the cavalry in front and the infantry 
straggling behind, rushed off to Delhi. The 
movement was only natural. Delhi was the only 
walled city in the North-West Provinces in which 
they could find a refuge. No European troops were 
quartered within the city or the suburbs ; and a vast 
magazine of arms and ammunition was seated in the 
heart of the city, mostly in charge of Asiatics, who 
would doubtless open the gates at the first demand 
for surrender. 

For a long time nothing was known at the European 


Sepoy Revolt: Bengal, Delhi, Punjab. 209 

barracks of the mutiny and murder that was going on chap- t. 
in the sepoy cantonment. When the news arrived imction. 
of the outbreak, there was much delay and confusion. 
The Rifles were paraded for church, and time was 
lost in serving out arms and cartridgeB. The Dragoons 
were put through a roll-call, and then lost their way 
amongst the houses and gardens between the European 
barracks and the sepoy lines. When the lines were 
reached, the aepoys had gone off to Delhi, and dark- 
ness was setting in. Had the Dragoons galloped after 
the sepoys, the mutiny might have been crushed, and 
there would have been no revolt at Delhi. 

But the miUtary authorities at Meerut were unequal HoedioBi- 
to the crisis. Nothing was thought of but the safety ""^ 
of the station. The Rifles and Dragoons were kept 
at Meerut to guard the treasury and barracks, whilst 
the sepoy mutineers were pushing on to Delhi to set 
up the old king — a Mohammedan prince, in whom the 
Hindu sepoys had no interest or concern. Messages, 
however, were sent to Brigadier Graves, who com- 
manded the Delhi station, to tell him what had taken 
place at Meerut, but no Europeans whatever were 
sent to help him in the terrible extremity which 
awaited him. 

§ 10. All night the sepoy mutineers were running EaMpeta 
to Delhi ; anxious only to escape from the vengeance 
of the Europeans. When and where they first began 
to cherish wild hopes of restoring the Mohammedan 
rSgime, and setting up the last representative of the 
Great Mogul, as the sovereign and Padishah of Hin- 
dustan, is a mystery to this day. One thing only 
is certain ; the Hindu sepoys, who composed four- 
fifths of the mass of mutineers, could have had no 


210 India undeb British Rule. 

OHAP. V. sympathy in the revolt of the MohammedanB, heyond 
providing for their own immediate safety against the 
wrath of the Europeans. 
Uoham- Delhi, however, had been the capital of the 
raid™ Mohammedans of India when the Caliphs were still 
^^- reigning at Bagdad ; and Mohammedan Sultana and 
Padishahs had ruled Hindustan for centuries before 
the rise of British power. In 1857 the relics of 
Mohammedan dominion were still lingering at Delhi 
under the shadow of British supremacy. The last 
representative of the once famous Great Mogul was 
still living in the imperial palace at Delhi, a pensioner 
of the British government, but bearing the empty 
title of " king." The ruins in the neighbourhood of 
Delhi are monuments of the triumphs of Islam and the 
Koran, raised by warriors from Cabul and Bokhara, 
who were reverenced as Ghazis — as destroyers of 
idols and idolaters. Indeed, the pilgrim who still 
wanders amongst the palaces, mosques, mausoleums, 
towers, domes, archways, terraces, and gardens of 
Delhi, and the country round, may yet recaU the 
days when the Hindus were a conquered people, 
and the Mohammedans were their oppressors and 
SeiKjy In May, 1857, British power at Delhi was repre- 
^"SShL*' sented by three regiments of sepoy infantry, and a 
sepoy battery of artillery, under the command of 
Brigadier Graves. There were no European troops at 
Delhi, except the regimental officers and serjeanta 
attached to each corps, and nine Europeans who had 
charge of the British magazine in the heart of the 
city, with a host of Asiatic subordinates. None of 
the sepoys had as yet shown any sign of disaffection, 
but it will f^pear hereafter that they had all caught 


Sepoy Revolt : Bengal, Delhi, Punjab. 211 

the cont^on of mutiny, but kept their secret until ohap. t. 
the moment for action arrived.' 

The sepoy regiments were cantoned on a rising canton- 
ground, known as the Ridge, which was situated t^'^^ 
about a mile to the north of Delhi, and overlooked 
the whole city. The bungalows of the European 
officers were scattered about the vicinity. At the 
furthest end of the Ridge was a strong position, 
known as Flagstaff Tower. Further away to the left, 
the river Jumna skirted the eastern side of Delhi ; 
and the mutineers from Meerut were expected to 
enter the city in this direction by a bridge. 

Brigadier Graves had but a short warning. The Untineera 
mutineers would certainly travel all night, and would "^ 
probably arrive early on the Monday morning. It 
was useless to cut away the bridge, as the hot weather 
was at its height, and the stream was easily fordable. 
Everything depended on the loyalty of the sepoys 
at Delhi. So long as they remained staunch, the 
brigadier might hope to defend the city and can- 
tonment against the mutineers from Meerut. If, 
however, the sepoys at Delhi joined the rebels, there 
Was nothing to be done but to await the E\ux)pean 
reinforcements which might be expected from Meerut. 
Meanwhile, the brigadier sent circulars to all non- 
military residents to take refuge in Flagstaff Tower. 

The three regiments of sepoy infantry, and the Prepan- 
battery of sepoy artillery, were ordered out. The guns biui«" 
were loaded, and every preparation made for the 
coming battle. The brigadier addressed the' men in 
stirring language. Now was the time, he said, for the 
sepoys at Delhi to show their loyalty to the Company, 
The sepoys responded with loud cheers. One regi- 
ment in particular eagerly demanded to be led against 


212 India, dnder British Rvub. 

CHAP. T. the mutineers ; and the brigadier marched them out 
to fight the rebels, lettving the two other regiments on 
the Ridge. 

Trwciwiy. Presently the cavalry from Meerut were seen 
galloping towards the city. After them at no great 
distance was a large mass of rebel infantry, with their 
bayonets gleaming in the sun, and their red coats 
soiled by the dost of. the night march. Neither 
horse nor foot showed the slightest hesitation. Aa 
the cavalry approached the brigadier orda^d . his 
men to fire. The rattle of musketry followed, but 
not a single trooper fell from his horse. The faithful 
sepoys had fired in the air. 

Firing In Then followed a pause. The European ofEcers held 
' *"' on in sheer desperation ; they hoped to be reinforced 
by British soldiers from Meerut. The sepoys hesi- 
tated for a while, lest they should be cut to pieces 
by the Europeans, whom they too expected to arrive. 
Could the Europeans have appeared in time, Delhi 
might have been saved in spite of the suspicious 
firing in the air. 

TtoMiwiy. Useless firing was a treachery that was new to 
sepoy regiments commanded by British officers, but 
it was common enough in Asiatic armies commanded 
by their own generals or princes. Mogul history 
abounds in stories of Asiatic officers corrupted by 
gold, and ordering their troops to fire on an enemy 
witiiout bullet or baU. Such treachery was scarcely 
possible under European officers, and consequently the 
rebel sepoys loaded their muskets with cartridges, 
and then fired into the air. 

R«beiBin It was soon cvident that the king was making 

* ^' ' common cause with the rebels, for the sepoys from 

Meerut were pouring through the palace to join theit 


Sepoy Revolt ; Bengal, Delhi, Pdnjab. 213 

comrades in the city. No Europeans arrived from phap. v. 
Meerut, and the Delhi sepoys began to fraternise with 
the rebels. 

Brigadier Graves rallied a few of his men who still Britwi 
remained faithful, and escaped to Flagstaff Tower. 
Here he found a large number of European ladies 
and children, and aU the gentlemen who had been 
able to reach the place of refuge. A company of 
sepoys, and two guns served by sepoy gunners, still 
guarded the Tower, and had they remained faithful 
might have kept off the enemy. But the force on 
the Ridge was rapidly melting away. The hearts of 
all the sepoys were with the rebels. All were burning 
to join the scoundrels in the city in the work of 
plunder and destruction ; and those who were posted 
at the Tower only waited for an opportunity to move 
off in the same direction. 

Meanwhile the old " king of Delhi " had coimived ] 
at the slaughter of Europeans. Mr. Frazer, the e 
commissioner of the Delhi division, and Captain 
Douglas, who commanded the palace guards, were 
cut down within the royal precincts. Mr. Jennings, 
the chaplain, and some ladies and children, numbering 
altogether about fifty souls, had taken refuge within 
the palace walls, in the hope of being protected by the 
royal pensioner against the mutinous sepoys. Had 
the ladies and children been admitted into the inner 
apartments, they would have been safe. But there 
was a rush of rebel sepoys into the presence of the 
old king to make their salams and hail him as their 
Padishah ; and they loudly demanded the death of 
every European. The old king could not or would 
not interfere, and told the sepoys that he made the 
prisoners over to them, to do with them as they 


214 India under Bbitish Rule. 

oHAi>. T. pleased. The unhappy victims were shut up in a dark 
room with coarse and scanty food. They were oflFered 
their lives on the condition that they became Moham- 
medans, and entered the service of the king as menials 
or slaves. One and all refused, and one and all were 
eventually butchered in the palace of Aurangzeb. 

FUgBtȣf The Europeans in Flagstaff Tower were in sore 
peril. Ladies were terrified and anxious for absent 
husbands, whilst children were clamouring for milk 
and food. The men were distracted by the sudden- 
ness of the danger, and the stories of murder and 
outrage that came from the city. All eyes were 
strained in the direction of Meerut. Every one 
longed for the arrival of European soldiers to reheve 
them from the agony of suspense, and quash the 
fearful rebellion that was surging up in Delhi. 

Explodon Later on in the afternoon, the great magazine in 
. the heart of Delhi was seen from the Ridge to explode 
in a cloud of smoke and flame. It was in charge of 
Lieutenant Willoughby of the Bengal artillery, but 
he had only eight Europeans with him ; the guards 
and workmen were all Asiatics. Arms were served 
out to every one ; loaded guns were pointed to the 
gateways ; and a train of gunpowder was laid to the 
chief magazine. A vast host of rebels pressed round 
the enclosure, and demanded the surrender of the 
magazine in the name of the king. Admittance was 
refused, but the rebels brought ladders to the walls, 
or climbed to the roofs of neighbouring buildings, 
and poured a hot fire on the inmates of the magazine. 
Most of the workmen joined the rebels. Those who 
still remained staunch threw away their rifles, and 
seemed bereft of their senses. At last Lieutenant 
Willoughby ordered Sergeant Scully to fire the train. 


Sepoit Revolt : Bengal, Delhi, Pdnjab. 215 

In a moment there was a great upheaTal. HundredB ohU' t. 
of rebels were blown into the air ; but unfortunately 
the greater part of the stores fell into the enemy's 
hands. Willonghby and three others got away out 
of the city — scorched, bruised, and insensible ; but 
Willoughby was mm^ered a few days afterwards in 
a neighbouring village. Scully was wounded by the 
explosion, and killed by the rebels ; he and his four 
companions were seen no more. 

By this time all hope of rescue had died out from Flight 
the fugitives in Flagstaff Tower. It was feared that FUgitaff 
the rebels would return to the Ridge to complete "'"■ 
the work of slaughter. All ded the best way they 
could — men, ladies, and children ; some in carriages, 
others on horseback, and many on foot. Even at 
this distance of time, it is terrible to think of their 
Bufferings. Many were slaughtered by the rebels, 
but some found refuge in the houses of Hindu 
villagers, who treated them with kindness and 
hospitality at the risk of their own lives. 

Before the day was over the clerk at the telegraph 
office on the Ridge sent his last telegram. " The 
mutineers irom Meenit are masters of Delhi ; severed 
Europeans have been murdered ; the office must be 
closed." Shortly frfterwards the rebel sepoys swarmed 
out of the city to complete the work of destruction 
on the Ridge, and the poor telegraph clerk was cut 
to pieces and heard of no more. 

Within a few moments the fatal news reached Sudden 
every capital in India : — Lahore in the Punjab ; 
Agra and Allahabad in the North-West Provinces ; 
Lucknow in Oudh ; Benares, Patna, and Calcutta in 
Bengal ; Bombay in the Deccan ; Madras in the 
remote south. From Calcutta and Bombay the 


216 India tindee Bbitish Rule. 

CHAP. T. revolt ■ of Delhi sent a thrill through the whole 
British empire. Men familiar with India, her 
history, and her people, could not believe the news. 
It was the heaviest blow to British prestige in 
India since the tragedy of the Black Hole in Cal- 
cutta. A century of European civilisation had been 
swamped by a mutiny of Asiatic sepoys against 
greased cartridges. Delhi was lost ; the Mogul 
rSgime was restored ; the North-West Provinces were 
slipping away from the British empire. 

lUriTing The public mind was greatly agitated by the 
"^^ disaster. Many could not realise the fact that Delhi 
had revolted ; that the old king had been proclained 
Padishah of Hindustan. Others rushed to the oppo- 
site conclusion and thought that India was lost. 
In India European hearts were kindled with a burn- 
ing desire for the recovery of the revolted city. It 
was hoped that Delhi would be retaken in a few 
days, and the contagion of mutiny brought to a close 
by the destruction of the mutineers. Indeed it was 
obvious to the British authorities that the European 
forces at Meerut might have crushed the rebellion at 
the outset, had a Clive, a Gillespie, or an Ochterlony 
been in command. Sir Henry Lawrence had sup- 
pressed a still more dangerous outbreak at Lucknow 
with a disaffected city in his rear, and the revolt 
at Delhi ought to be suppressed at once in a like 

General § 11. General Anson, the commander-in-chief of 

'*aSX'* *^® Bengal army, was at Simla in the Himalayas, 

nealy 200 miles to the north of Delhi. He was an 

officer of good repute, but of no Indian experience, 

and was chiefly known as the Major A., who had 


Sepoy Revolt: Bengal, Delhi, Punjab. 217 

written a treatise on whiat. He received a telegram ckap. t. 
from Lord Canning to make short work of Delhi, and 
other telegrams to the same effect from Mr. John 
Lawrence, the chief commissioner of the Punjab. 
General Anson began to assemble a force at Umballa, 
and he despatched a regiment of Ghorkas to the Sutlej 
to escort a siege-train from the Punjab over the river. 
He was anxious to fortify Umballa, about sixty miles 
from Simla on the road to Delhi. He ordered three 
European regiments on the Himalayas to march at 
once to Umballa. John Lawrence, however, was dead 
against any delay. He wanted to recover Delhi, not 
to entrench Umballa ; and he promptly telegraphed 
that "clubs were trumps, not spades." Meanwhile 
the sudden change from the cool hills to the hot 
plains brought on cholera amongst the Europeans. 
The vangufurd of the European force left Umballa 
on the I9th of May, but eight days afterwards 
General Anson died of cholera. 

Meanwhile Lord Canning had telegraphed to Bom- Demuid 
bay for the European troops that were returning eJ^8„ 
from the Persian expedition, and to Madras, Ceylon, •«i<i»<«- 
Burma, and Singapore for every European soldier 
that could be spared. His object was to form a 
European column at Calcutta, and to push it up the 
valley of the Ganges with all speed to Allahabad, to 
crush any incipient mutiny on the way, and to pene- 
trate and suppress the growing disaffection in Oudh 
and the North-West Provinces. It was out of the 
question that a column from Calcutta could reach 
Delhi, and he looked to Mr. John Lawrence, the 
chief commissioner of the Punjab on the other side 
of Delhi, to send all the Europeans and artillery he 
could spare to join General Anson. 


218 India undgb BfimsH Rule. 

(XAT. T. Sir Henry Barnard succeeded Anson as comman- 

Otami der-in-ehief. He pushed on the force to Alipore, 

■within ten miles of Delhi. On the 7th of June he 

was joined by the European brigade from Meerat, and 

prepared to advance against Delhi. 

Rebel Bj this time the Delhi rebels were prepared to 

^°"°°°" await an attack in the open. They had taken up a 
strong position to the right of the great trunk road 
leading to the city, and had utilised its natural ad- 
vantages with remarkable skill. One body of rebels 
waa posted in a vast caravanserai ; a square enclosed 
by walls, with towers at the four comers. The walls 
were loop-holed for musketry, and the towers were 
occupied by sharp-shooters. In iront of the cara- 
vanserai they had a battery of artillery and a 
howitzer, raised on an elevation and defended by 
earthworks, faggots and gabions. The main force, 
however, was posted in a neighbouring village, where 
the houses and gardens furnished an excellent cover 
for infantry. This position was defended by seven 
regiments of sepoy infantry, two of sepoy cavalry, 
and a strong battery of sepoy artillery. To those 
regular forces were added the artillerymen of the 
palace at Delhi, and volunteers of aU kinds, attracted 
by hatred of the Feringhi, enthusiasm for Islam, and 
thirst for blood and plunder. 

Battle of Th^ battle of Serai was fought on the 9th of June. 

the 8cr»i. ^j, gum^gg Sir Hemy Barnard advanced with two regi- 
ments of European infantry and two guns. He could 
not silence the fire of the rebel battery, and it was 
carried with the bayonet by a regiment of European 
infantry. Meanwhile the other regiment drove the 
rebels away out of the village. The combined British 
force stormed the caravanserai and gave no quarter. 


Sepoy Rkyolt ; Bengal, Delhi, Pdnjab. 219 

At this juncture Brigadier Hope Grant appeared with ota». t. 
three squadrons of cavalry and two guns, and utterly 
louted the rebel army and pursued it to the suburbs 
of Delhi. 

That same afternoon the British returned as con- Bctora to 
qaerors to the old cantonment on the Eidge. Within 
a month of the revolt, they had avenged the massacre 
at Delhi, and restored the prestige of British sove- 

The battle of Serai revealed strange inconsistencies. Sepor 
The rebel sepoys, who had shot down their officers, 
and were in open revolt against British rule, were as 
proud as before of their exploits under British colours. 
The Company's medals were found on the red coats of 
the dead rebels, officers as well as men. Stranger still, 
pouches full of the very greased cartridges that brought 
on the mutiny were picked up on the ground occupied 
by the rebel army. 

The month's delay however had done considerable 
mischief. The plague of mutiny had broken out 
at other stations, and the rebel garrison at Delhi had 
been reinforced by large bodies of mutinous sepoys. 
The details wore nearly all alike — sudden outbreaks, 
shooting at officers, setting fire to bungalows, and 
plundering the treasury. The mutineers, however, did 
not in aU cases rush off to Delhi. Some crept sadly 
to theix own homes, and buried the silver rupees they 
had brought away, or joined the bands of oudaws 
and brigands that began to ravage the surrounding 
country. Meanwhile the European officers of nearly 
every sepoy regiment, whilst ready to believe that 
other regiments would revolt, were prepared to stake 
their lives on the fidelity of their own men, and 
opposed any attempt to disarm them. 


220 Insu under British Rule. 

OTAP. T. In due coiirse the disaffection of the sepoy army 
Rebellion began to stir up certain claaeea of the civil population. 
North- The Bengal provinces were free from this taint, 
PioTJ^^ excepting perhaps at Patna where the KohammedanB 
are very strong. Indeed in Bei^al proper the Hindu 
villagers often arrested rebel sepoys of their own free 
"Will, and made them over to the British authorities. 
In the Madras and Bombay presidencies there were no 
signs of discontent. But in Oudh, as already described, 
and in the North-West Provinces between Delhi and 
Allahabad, there was a growing disaffection. Rebellion 
was preached by Mohammedan fanatics yearning for 
the restoration of Islam as the dominant religion. 
Dispossessed talukdars, who thought themselves, 
rightly or wrongly to have been unjustly dealt with 
in the settlement of the land revenue, took a part in 
the disturbances. In a word all the turbulent and 
ill-conditioned elements of the population in the north- 
west, — all "who were discontented or in debt," — 
readily joined in the insurrection ; possibly to revenge 
some fancied injury, but mostly from that love of riot 
and plunder which had been universal in Hindustan 
under Mahratta supremacy. At the same time a 
spirit of hostility to Europeans was manifested, which 
was without precedent in the history of British rule in 
India. Towards the end of June, Mr. John Colvin, the 
Lieutenant-Governor of the North-West Provinces, 
with all the European residents in the neighbourhood 
were closely besieged by mutineers and rebels in the 
fortress of Agra. 

simof § 12. The British force reached the Ridge on the 
^^l( evening of the battle. It then numbered 4,000 troops, 
Brituh. ii(jf Europeans and the other half Sikhs and Ghorkaa 


Sepoy Revolt : Bengal, Delhi, Punjab. 221 

The city might have been taken by sarpriae at an chap^t. 
earlier date, but the month's delay had elated the 
sepoys, and given them time to look to their de- 
fences. The British troops were encamped behind 
the Kidge, and were thus protected from the 
fire of the rebels. They were, however, the besieged 
rather than the besiegers. They were threatened 
on all sides, except the rear, by mutineers and 
rebels. The rear, however, was open to the Punjab, 
and all reinforcements and supplies were brought up 
from the Punjab. For weeks, and indeed for months, 
the British force could only hope to hold their 
position until reinforcements could arrive from 
Lahore or Calcutta. The city of Delhi was strongly 
fortified with walls and bastions loaded with cannon, 
and environed by a broad, deep ditch, filled from the 
river Jumna, which rendered it as impregnable as 
Babylon of old. It was impossible to storm such 
fortifications without a strong army of British 
soldiers and an adequate siege train, all of which 
were anxiously expected from the Punjab. 

Meanwhile the rebels inside the walls of Delhi ^'J™^*'" 
were being constantly reinforced by fresh bodies of mbaii. 
mutineers. They were in possession of the arms, 
ammunition, and other stores, which had been col- 
lected in the British magazine for more than a 
generation. They were in receipt of daily mipplies 
of provisions from the neighbouring villages, and it 
was impossible to cut off the convoys. A force of 
4,000 men could scarcely be expected to environ 
a city seven miles in circumference, or even to 
approach within cannon shot of the walls. 

§ 13. Bengal was completely separated from Delhi 


222 Ikdia under British Eule. 

"BAT. T. by the disaffection which flooded the North- West 
PuiuBb Provinces. All hope of crushing the rebels at Delhi 

Uwnues. rested on the Punjab ; and John Lawrence sent Euro- 
peans and Sikhs, siege guns and supplies of all kinds, 
as fast as they were available to the British force 
behind the Ridge. In June the " Punjab Guides " 
reached the Ridge, one of the best regiments in the 
Indian army. It belonged to the Punjab Frontier 
Force, which was recruited from the mountain tribes 
between the Punjab and Afghanistan, and trained 
and commanded by British officers. 
Sikh In 1857 the Sikhs had learnt to respect their 

Hoham- European rulers, who maintained order and law. 

medMii. They had no sympathy for the Mohammedans, nor 
for the king of Delhi, On the contrary, they re- 
membered the murder of their Gurus and saints by 
Aurangzeb and his successors, and were burning to 
be revenged on Delhi and the Mogul. During the 
reign of Runjeet Singh they had outraged the 
Mohammedans of the Punjab by polluting their 
mosques and profaning the tombs of their holy men. 
Accordingly the Sikh warriors of the Khalsa, the 
very men who had fought against British supremacy 
at ChillianwaUa and Qoojerat, were now anxious to 
join the Europeans in puttiDg down the revolt at 
Delhi and sacking the capital of Islam in India. 

Untinotu John Lawrence had thus nothing to fear from 

ofKply *^® Sikhs. Nor had he anything to fear from the 

gBiriaoni. Mohammedans, for they were only ansioua for pro- 
tection against the Sikhs. The Hindus of the Punjab 
cared for no one but themselves ; most of them were 
traders and money-lenders whose interests were 
bound up in the maintenance of British rule. The 
terror of the Punjab lay in the sepoy regimente of 


Sepoy Revolt : Bengal, Delhi, Punjab. 223 

the Bengal army that garrisoned the country. The chaf. t. 
sepoys in the Punjab had no real ground for alarm at 
the greased cartridges; the issue had been stopped 
at the school of musketry at Sealkote, on the Cash- 
mere frontier. But the contagion was as virulent 
as ever. They were maddened by the conviction 
that the British government was bent on destroying 
their religion and caste ; and "when they heard of the 
outbreak at Meerut and revolt at Delhi, they were 
bent on mutiny and massacre. 

Lahore, the capital of the Punjab, is situated in i^o" 
the heart of the province, about half-way between Mian Mir. 
Delhi and Peshawar. The fortress at Lahore was 
held by a battalion of Bengal sepoys, which was 
relieved once every fortnight — ^that is, on the Ist 
and 15th of every month. There was also a Euro- 
pean guard within the fortress of about a hundred 
British soldiers. Six miles from Lahore was the 
cantonment of Mian Mir, where three regiments of 
Bengal sepoys were quartered, together with one 
regiment of Europeans, and two batteries of 
European artillery. 

§ 14. News of the revolt at Delhi reached Lahore s«poy 
on the 12th of May. Without a moment's delay, a 
secret plot was formed between the sepoys in the 
fortress at Lahore and those in the cantonment at 
Mian Mir for the slaughter of Europeans. On the 
15th May, when the sepoy battalion in the fortress 
was to be relieved by another sepoy battalion, the 
two were to join together, murder their own officers 
and then overwhelm the European guard. A signal 
was thereupon to be given to the cantonment at 
Mian Mir, on which the sepoy regiments were to 


224 India under British Rdle. 

OTAP^T. break out in mutiny, murder their officers, and 
environ and overwhelm the regiment of Europeans. 

Defatted. Fortunately the plot was betrayed by a Brahman 
to the British authorities, and the scheme was de- 
feated. On the morning of the 15th of May, the 
sepoy regiments in the cantonment at Mian Mir 
were drawn up on parade as usual. Suddenly, they 
were ordered with a loud voice to lay down their 
arms. Before them was a thin line of European 
infantry which presently fell back, and revealed 
the mouths of twelve guns pointed at the sepoya 
with lighted fires. The European infantry began 
to load their rifles behind the artillery, and the 
sepoys could hear the clicking of locks and ramrods. 
The would-be rebels saw that the game was up. 
They threw away their muskets and sabres in sheer 
terror. More than 3,000 Asiatic sepoys, who were 
preparing to murder their officers, had surrendered 
their arms to less than 600 Europeans. The plot in 
the fortress at Lahore was crushed in a like fashion. 
Ilie European guards had been strongly reinforced 
by a detachment &om the regiment at the canton- 
ment at Mian Mir ; and the two sepoy battalions 
were disarmed before they could unite for the 
slaughter of Europeans. 

dumber- Later on it was found that all the Bengal sepoys 
flySi^ in the Punjab were more or less tainted. Measures 

column, ^g^ taken to avert or counteract the evU. Suspected 
regiments were removed to localities where the Sikhs 
were most hostile to the Bengal army. A flying 
column of Europeans, Sikhs and others, was organised 
to act against threatened points and overawe intend- 
ing mutineers by rapid movement and vigorous 
action. In the first instance it was commanded by 


Skpoy Ebvolt : Bengal, Delhi, Pdnjab. 225 

Brigadier NevUle Chamberlain, who rose to be one of chap, t; 
the most distioguished officers of the time. Later 
on, the column was commanded by Brigadier John 
Nicholson, the hero of the day, who, as will be seen 
hereafter, was cut off in the very zenith of his fame. 

§ 15. The vaUey of Peshawar was another cause of Puhawu 
auziety. It lies in the north-west corner of the *''' 
Punjab beyond the river Indus, and faces the Khyber 
Pass. It is the key to India, the route by which 
Alexander the Great and the early Mohammedan 
conquerors invaded the Punjab. 

Ever since the British conquest, the Peshawar Frontiw 
valley had been harassed by the same mountain 
tribes that had worried the Macedonians, the Moham- 
medans, and the Sikhs under Kunjeet Singh. Tribes 
living within the circle of British outposts could be 
compelled to live in peace ; but tribes living beyond 
the border, and outside British influence, were turbu- 
lent, murderous and predatory. Occasionally they 
assassinated a British officer, or gave an asylum to 
criminals, or committed raids on British territory or 
on tribes living under British protection, and not 
nnfrequently stole horses and other property from 
the British cantonment. All this while they were 
strictly forbidden to cross the border into British 
territory ; and any tribesman who dared to disobey 
this law, was liable to arrest and imprisonment until 
the elders of his tribe made their submission and paid 
a fine. 

The valley of Peshawar was held by 9,000 Bengal Pe«h«w«r 
sepoys and about 3,000 Europeans. Here, as at "^"^t!" 
Lahore, tiere was a perpetual fear of mutiny and 
murder. A secret enemy was dwelling in the 


226 India uhdee Bbitish Rule. 

CHAP.T. British camp that was capable of any amount of 
secresy and treachery. Accordingly the cantonment 
was declared in a state of siege. The Europeans 
took up strong positions, and some of the Bengal 
regiments were disarmed. 

Mntiny § 16. Towardfl the end of May a sepoy regiment 
mwder. ^^"^ against its officers. The colonel had staked his 
life on the fidelity of his men, and they had not 
been disarmed ; and owing to this infatuated belief 
in the fideUty of the sepoys, the rebels had been able 
to set out for Delhi with their arms and ammunition. 
The colonel was in the ranks to the last, labouring to 
keep the men to their colours ; but his efforts were 
vaiBj and he retired broken-hearted and shot timsel£ 
The rebels, however, were pursued and scattered, by 
the flying column under Neville Chamberlain, and 
120 were taken prisoners and brought back to 

Kxecu- The prisoners were tried for mutiny and were 
Pe^war. ^^ Condemned to death. But John Lawrence re- 
coiled from such wholesale executions. He did nut 
want to exact vengeance on the mutineers, but to 
terrify other regiments from foUowing their example. 
Forty of the worst were sentenced to death, but the 
remaining eighty were imprisoned for periods vary- 
ing from three to seven years. The condemned forty- 
were blown from guns at Peshawar on the 10th of 
Voinnterr- The disarmament of the sepoy regiments, and the 
Sikh'aMd executions at Peshawar, convinced the populatiooa 
'"'^* of the Punjab that the British were mastera. There 
may have been some of the old Sikh soldiers of the 
Khalsa, who were still yearning for the expidsion of 


Sepoy Revolt : Bengal, Delhi, Punjab. 227 

the British from the land of the five rivers ; but even chip. t. 
in their case the old hostility was forgotten in the 
feverish longing to be revenged on Delhi for the 
persecution and slaughter of their saints. Possibly 
they were still more eager to plunder the palaces and 
bazaars of Delhi. The mountain tribes outside tte 
British frontier, who professed to be Mohammedans, 
were as enthusiastic as the Sikhs to share in the sack 
of Delhi. They implored pardon for aU past offences, 
paid up all fines, and volunteered to help the British 
to capture the revolted city. 

John Lawrence sent the Punjab Guides to Sore perU. 
Delhi, and raised nineteen or twenty regiments of 
Sikhs and others. But he could not spare more 
Europeans. Mutiny threatened him on all sides. 
At Julinder three Bengal regiments murdered their 
ofiicers, broke open prisons, and ran off to Delhi 
before the flying column under Neville Chamberlain 
could overtake them. 

§ 17. At this crisis Neville Chamberlain was sent joj,n 
to join the British force on the Ridge, and John f^^^j^ 
Nicholson took the command of the flying column, w""*^- 
He disarmed several sepoy regiments without firing a 
shot, but had no mercy for rebels. He was a fine 
type of the zealous and single-minded European 
officers of the old East India Company's army ; a 
hero who was reverenced by Asiatic soldiery for 
his dash and valour, and worshipped by his men 
as one of the demigods of India. Indeed in oqe 
case the worship of Nicholson was literal. A re- 
ligious fraternity of Sikhs took the name of 
"Nicholsons"; or as they pronounced it "Nikkal 
Scynes." They wore salmon-coloured garments 

Q 2 


228 India undee British Rule. 

CHAP. T. and biack felt hats as a distinctive garb, and 
they sang hymns with a chorus of " Guru Nikkal 
Scyne." In 1854 a deputation of these worshippers 
waited on Nicholson, threw themselves at his feet 
and chanted his praises. He remonstrated, but they 
persisted, and he ordered his native servants to whip 
the nonsense out of them. The devotees, however, 
gloried in being flogged, and declared that it was a 
just punishment for their sins. Nicholson was 
obliged to run away from his worshippers. It will 
be seen hereafter that he fell in the storming of 
DelhL When the news of his death reached the 
fraternity, two of them committed suicide, whilst the 
third embraced Christianity out of respect for the 
memory of his " Guru." 

Propo«d 18. John Lawrence was hedged round with 

^^^ dangers. European regiments were urgently de- 

p^wM i^*'!*^^'^ ^^'^ t^^ siege of Delhi, and he could not 
spare a man. He was compelled to keep 3,000 
Europeans for the defence of the valley of Peshawar, 
and he had only 2,000 Europeans left to garrison 
the rest of the Punjab. In this dilemma he proposed 
to abandon Peshawar and make it over to Dost 
Mohammed Khan of Cabul. He argued that if the 
force bcked up in Peshawar could be sent against 
Delhi, the city might be captured in a week, and 
the revolt brought to a close. Subsequent events 
strengthened this impression. On the 23rd of June, 
the centenary of the battle of Plassy, the besieging 
force at Delhi was nearly overpowered by the rehek 
Several sepoy regiments had mutinied in Rohilcund, 
to the north-west of Oudh, and joined the rebels 
at Delhi. The Gwalior contingent, a subsidiary force 


Sepoy Revolt : Bengal, Delhi, Punjab. 229 

officered hy Europeans, and maiDtained id Siudia's ohap. r. 
territory, had broken out in mutiny. Altogether 
John Lawrence was convinced that Delhi miist be 
captured at all hazards, and that it was absolutely 
necessary to retire &om Peshawar. 

But the military authoritiee at Peshawar, including opi>o*i. 
General Sidney Cotton and Colonel Herbert Edwardes, """" 
vehemently opposed the measure. They were unani- 
mously agreed that the loss of Peshawar would 
entail such a loss of prestige as to turn Sikhs and 
Afghans against the British government. They 
urged that relief might be already at hand ; that 
five or six European regiments might be advancing 
from Bengal to Delhi, and that four- or five times 
that number might be on the high seas firom 

The burning question was referred to Calcutta for H6gnti»eii 
the decision of Lord Canning. The reply was a long cuming. 
time coming, but it settled the matter at once. 
" Hold on Peshawar to the last ! " John Lawrfence 
was overruled. 

§ 19. In this extremity John Lawrence deter- MuUny it 
mined to disarm every Bengal sepoy in the Punjab, 
and then to send every European soldier and gun to 
Delhi that could be spared. Nicholson hurried on the 
disarming, when news arrived that the sepoy brigade 
at Sealkote, on the Cashmere frontier, had broken 
out in revolt, murdered their officers, and then gone 
ofiF to Delhi. Nicholson hurried after the brigade, 
overtook it on the banks of the Eavi, and almost 
annihilated it. Nearly eveiy rebel was slain, or 
drowned in the river, or surrendered by the villagers 
to the British authorities. 


230 India dndeb British Rcle. 

CHAF. T, There was one more tragedy in the Punjab whicU 
Tenibie cannot be ignored. A sepoy regiment mutinied after 

*'*'° "^ it waa disarmed, and tried to escape to Delhi. It was 
pursued by a British magistrate with a detachment of 
irregular horse. About 280 escaped to an island in a 
river, and being without arms and without food, they 
were compelled to surrender. The magistrate, how- 
ever, could not possibly dispose of 280 rebels. He 
could not imprison them, and it was dangerous to let 
them loose. In this terrible emergency he saw no 
alternative but to have them shot in gangs. It was 
a measure which can only be justified by the law of 
self-defence and state necessity. The magistrate left 
the scene pale and trembling.* 

Siamof § 20. Towards the end of June the hot season 
passed away. The rains began ; military operations 
before Delhi became possible in the daytime. Sir 
Henry Barnard died on the 5th of July, and was suc- 
ceeded by General Archduke Wilson. On the 14th 
of July au attack on the British outposts was repulsed 
by General Chamberlain. Towards the middle of 
August, John Nicholson arrived from the Punjab with 
his flying column. On the 4th of September a heavy 
siege train arrived from the Punjab, and fifty large 
guns were placed in position. 

Captnred, From the 8th to the 12th of September, four 

September , "■ ■, , ,, 

iaG7. batteries poured a constant storm of shot and shell 
ou the doomed city. On the 13th the breaches were 

1 This lAst fact vaa vonched b;^ an EoglUh civil serr&nt who 
was living at the time with the late Mr. Cooper, the magistrate 
in question. TJnfortunatetj Mr. Cooper aubseqaently published 
a description of the ezecntioa in a tone of levity which was 
gener&ll; condemned. 


Sepoy Revolt: Bengal, Delhi, Punjab. 231 

practicable. At three o'clock on the following mora- cha?. t. 
ing, three assaulting columns were formed in the 
trenches, whilst a fourth was kept in reserve. The 
Cashmere gate was blown open by gunpowder ; one 
column pushed through the gateway, wbLUt the 
others escaladed the breaches. The advancing 
columns were exposed to a ceaseless fire from houses, 
mosques, and other buildings, and John Nicholaon 
received a mortal wound. Then followed six days 
of desperate street fighting. On the 20th of Sep- 
tember the British flag waved in triumph over the 
old capital of Hindustan and the palace of the Great 

Immediately after the fall of Delhi, a column was Feac« 
sent down the grand trunk road, to relieve the fort- JJJrth- 
ress at Agra, and to open up communications between ''*'*• 
Delhi and Allahabad. Within a few short months 
peace and order were restored to the North-West 
Provinces, and the brigandage and anarchy which 
for a brief interval revived the memory of the old 
Mahratta days, disappeared, it is hoped for ever, frorn 

' Eveatuall^ the king and his family were eetkt to Baugoon, 
where he died in 1862. 

* Mr. John Colvin, a diBtinguUhed Bengal civilian and 
Lieatenant-Ooremor of the Korth-Weat Provinces, who was shnb 
up in the fortress at Agra, died during the siege. Many old 
Anglo-Indians still remember his career with interest. He was 
private secretary to Lord Auckland during the first Cabul war. 
His SOD, Sir Auckland Colvin of the Bengal Civil Service, is now 
Financial Minister to the Oovemment of India under Lord 





g 1. Bengal utd Lord Cluiuiiig : Oenenl Neill'i advance from Calcutta. S 2. 
Sacred city of Benares : Hindu population overawed, g 3. Fortress at 
Allahabad : treachery and massacre. S *■ Cawnpore : extreme peril, g G. 
Story of Nana Sahib, g 9. European refnge in the barracka. g 7. Nana 
Sahib at Cawapore : aspiratioBs after Uindn tovereignty : delusion of 
Geoenl Wlieeler. % 8. Matiny and treachery : bajracks beleagnerad by 
Nana Sahib, g 0. First massacre at Cawnpore : massacre at Jbalui. 
glO. Advance of Oenenl Uavelock. g 11. Second maaiacre of women 
aud children : the well. % 12. Lacknow and Sir Henry Lawrence : May 
and June, g 13. Siege of British Besidenc; at Lncknow i July to Sep. 
lember: death of Sir Henry Lawrence. gl4. Hftvelock's advance and 
retreat. SIS. Advance of Havelock and Oatram . glS. Belief of Lack- 
now. gl7> Sir Colin CampbeU'a advance; deliverance of the garriMn. 
g tS. Mutiny of the Gwalior contingent : defeated, g 19, V-nA of the 
inQtinf and rebellion : causes. 

CHAP. VI. The progress of events in Northern India, from the 
Su^j^ises. revolt at Delhi in May to the capture of the city in 
September, was a mystery to every Anglo-Indian. 
Many had foreseen that the Bengal army was in an 
evil way ; that Bengal sepoys had been pandered 
until the discipline of the army had become dan- 
gerously loosened. But no one foresaw mutiny, 
murder, and massacre. Every fresh budget of news 
was consequently a surprise which baffled the oldest 
civilian and the most experienced general. There 
was much angry controversy, and much bitter re- 
crimination ; but such obsolete quarrelling may well 
be dropped into oblivion. The lessons which the 


Sepoy Revolt : Noeth West, Cawnpoee, Lucknow. 233 

mutiny teaches are best gathered from a plain chap. ti. 
narrative of events, not by conjectures as to plots 
and conspuracies which may have had no better 
origin than those of Oates and Bedloe. 

§ 1. Whilst Mr. John Lawrence was sending Euro- British 
peana and Sikhs from the Punjab to reinforce the '°^*^^^ 
besiegers on the Ridge at Delhi, Lord Canning was 
sending similar reinforcements from Bengal to Allah- 
abad, to relieve the beleaguered garrisons at Cawnpore 
and Lucknow, and to crush the growing disaffection 
in Oudh, Immediately after the revolt at Delhi, 
Lord Canning had sent telegrams and steamers to 
Madras and Bombay, to Ceylon, Burma, and Singa- 
pore, to send to Calcutta every European soldier that 
could be spared. Every local government responded 
to the call, and Lord Elgin, who was at Singapore 
pushing on a war with China, sent two British regi- 
ments, that were coming round the Cape, to the help 
of Lord Canning. It .was a noble sacrifice. Lord 
Elgin's heart was in the Chinese war, but he felt as 
a Briton, that the suppression of a sepoy revolt in 
India was of far more pressing importance to the 
British empire than hostilities against China. 

During the latter part of May, European soldiers Aikhsbad 
were landed at Calcutta, and sent in batches to Cawnpon 
Allahabad. At that time Lord Canning was most 
anzious to relieve Sir Henry Lawrence at Lucknow. 
The railway had been completed for a hundred miles 
from Calcutta. Accordingly the soldiers were sent 
by railway from Calcutta, then by boats up the river 
Ganges to Allahabad, at the junction of the Ganges 
and Jumna, about half way between Calcutta and 
Delhi From Allahabad they were sent a hundred 


India under British Rule. 

. and twenty miles still further up the Gauges to th.e 
town of Cawnpore, where the river formed a line of 
frontier between the North-Weat Provinces and Oiidli. 
It will be seen hereafter that only a few Europeans 
reached Cawnpore, and that none of those sent up 
from Calcutta ever reached Lucknow. 

The British reinforcements were commanded by 
Colonel Neill, a Madras officer who had served in the 
Crimean war, and was distinguished by force of will. 
On one occasion the station-master at Calcutta pro- 
posed sending away a railway train without the 
soldiers, because the latter were delayed. To his 
utter surprise he was arrested by Neill, and kept 
under a guard until every soldier had taken his seat. 
The incident is trivial, but it tells the character of 

t § 2. Colonel Neill did not reach Allahabad for some 
days. He was detained at Benares from the 4th to 
the 9th of June. This city, the Jerusalem of the 
Brahmans, is situated on the river Ganges, about 
420 miles above Calcutta and eighty miles below 
Allahabad. It had a population of 300,000, mostly 
Hindus. The cantonment is two or three miles from 
the city, and was occupied by a regiment of Bengal 
infantry, one of irregular cavalry, and a Sikh regiment. 
There was no European force whatever to keep the 
city and cantonment in check beyond thirty British 
gunners, but this number would have been ample 
had there been no scare about greased cartridges. 
No danger was to be apprehended from the civil 
population of Benares. The sepoy regiments in the 
cantonment were the only cause for alarm. 

Yet the Hindu population of Benares had always 


Sepoy EeVolt: North West, Ca^\'Npore, Lccknow. 235 

been bigoted and turbulent. During the persecutiDg chap, -n, 
reign of the Mogul Aurangzeb, in the seventeenth Tnrbn- 
century, the Hindus of the sacred city were kept the peopU. 
down by brute force, and compelled to pay the poll- 
tax levied on infidels, whUst Mohammedan mosques 
were built on the ruins of Hindu temples. Under 
the tolerant rule of the British, the Hindus had been 
more contented, but there had been occasional fights 
between Hindus and Mohammedans, especially at 
festival times. Moreover, the Hindus at Benares 
were under the thumb of the Brahmans, and were 
more bigoted and exacting under British rule than 
they had dared to be under Mohammedan domina- 
tion. A British magistrate, however, had generally 
kept the peace in Benares with the help of Asiatic 
police, but occasionally he found it necessary to call 
out a detachment of sepoys. 

For many years the Bi-ahmans at Benares utterly Hosuiity 
refused to have the sacred city lighted or drained. BrahmuiB: 
They declared that lighting and drainage were con- ^"^ 
trary to the Hindu religion, and the arguments of Gubbina. 
the British magistrate to the contrary were a sheer 
waste of words. At last, in 1851, the British ma- 
gistrate, a Mr. Frederic Gubbins, carried out these 
municipal reforms in the teeth of a Hindu mob. 
Then followed a commotion at Benares precisely 
similar to that which occurred at Madras in the 
seventeenth century, when the British rulers endea- 
voured to reform the sanitary condition of their 
city. The traders and bazaar dealers shut up their 
shops, and refused to supply the cantonment with 
grain. Mr. Gubbins was pelted and fired at, and 
fled for his life. He called out a detachment of 
sepoys, arrested the ringleaders of the riot, and 


236 India dnder Bbitish Rule. ' 

CHAP. VI. lodged them in the jail. From that momeut Mr. 
Gubbins was lord of Benares. He rode through the 
city and ordered all the shops to be opened, and 
there was no one to say him nay. 
Britiaii All this was of course very wrong. The Supreme 
ilogai Court at Calcutta, with its bench of British judges, 
trained to respect the liberties of British subjects, 
would have been aghast at such proceedings. But 
from the days of Warren Hastings to those of Lord 
Canning, the Supreme Courts at Calcutta, Madras, 
and Bombay were prevented by the Act of Parlia- 
ment passed in 1781 from interfering in any way 
with the administration of the Company's servMita 
outside the limits of the Presidency capitals. It 
might, however, be added that the action of the 
British magistrate, arbitrary and high-handed as it 
mast appear to British readers, was mild and merci- 
ful in comparison with Mogul severities. Under an 
imperious ruler like Aurangzeb, trains of armed ele- 
phants were driven through the masses in the streets, 
and trampled down all that came in their way, 
until the crowd broke up and fled in terror at 
the carnage. . 

Right or wrong, the action of Mr. Gubbins in 1851 
"■ was remembered by the people of Benares in 1867. 
Mr. Gubbins was by this time judge at Benares, and 
a Mr. Lind was magistrate and collector. The Bengal 
sepoys in the cantonment were disaffected, but there 
was no sign of insurrection in the city. The British 
residents were in alarm, and it was proposed to 
remove to the fortress of Chunar, on the other side 
of the river Ganges, which was occupied by invalided 
British soldiers. But Gubbins and Lind refiised to 
desert their posts and abandon Benares. Accordingly 


Sepoy Revolt : North West, Cawnpobe, Ldcknow. 237 

the other British residents resolved to stay likewise ; chap. vi. 
and it was arranged that iu the event of a mutiny 
of the sepoys, they should all take refuge on the roof 
of the treasury, about two miles from the canton- 
ment, which was guarded by Sikh soldiers. 

Colonel Neill arrived at Benares on the 4th of Matiay «t 
June. A detachment of Europeans had been obtained dia^^^' 
from Her Majesty's 10th Foot, which was posted at 
Dinapore, and preparations were being made for dis- 
arming the Bengal sepoys. Neill joined in the work, 
but there were untoward incidents. The Europeans 
were drawn out and the three guna were loaded. The 
Bengal sepoys were ordered to lay down their arms, 
and some obeyed. Suddenly, however, the whole 
regiment of sepoys took alarm and fired at the Euro- 
peans. The gunners opened fire on the mutineers. 
The irregular cavalry joined in the outbreak. The 
British officer in command of the Sikh regiment was 
shot dead. The Sikhs were seized with panic and 
fired on the Europeaiis. The gunners then discharged 
a volley of grape at the Sikhs ; and sepoys, irregular 
horse, and Sikhs fled in hot haste from the canton- 
ment, and dispersed in all directions over the 
surrounding country. 

This disaster might have sealed the fate of theLoTaityof 
Europeans at the treasury. When the Sikh regi- Hmdni. 
ment at the cantonment was scattered by a discharge 
of grape, the Sikh guards at the treasury might 
have revenged the slaughter by firing at the Euro- 
peans on the roof Fortunately Mr. Gubbins was 
there, and so too was an old Sikh general, who had 
fought against the British in the Sikh wars, and 
was residing at Benares under surveillance, but 
had become reconciled to British supremacy. Both 


238 India under Bbitish Rule. 

CHAP. VI. GubbinB and the Sikh exile pointed out to the 
guards, that cannonading the Sikhs at the canton- 
ment must have been unpremeditated, and was 
probably a misunderstanding or an accident Had 
it been othenvise, the Europeans at the treasury 
would never have placed themselves under the pro- 
tection of Sikh guards. This explanation satisfied 
the Sikh guards, and the station was saved. It 
should be added that British authority was nobly 
supported by the Raja of Benares and another 
Hindu gentleman of high rank and influence. 

Aiittha- § 3. Colonel Neill spent some days in driving the 
strategic mutineers from the neighbourhood of Benares, and 
* rS^"^ then went on to Allahabad. On his arrival he found 
the city in a state of insurrection and uproar, whilst 
the Europeans were shut up in the fortress, and be- 
sieged by mutineers and rebels. The city of Allahabad 
was situated, as already described, at the junction of 
the Ganges and Jumna, in the centre of Northern 
India, and about half-way between Calcutta and 
Delhi. It is the strongest fortress between Calcutta 
and Agra. It commands the whole river communi- 
cation between Bengal, Oudh, and the North-West 
Provinces. It also commanded the old trunk road 
between Calcutta and Delhi. In the treasury there 
was £200,000 in silver. Yet, when the mutinies 
broke out in May, the station and fortress were 
garrisoned entirely by Asiatics, namely, one Bengal 
regiment, half a Sikh regiment, and a battery of 
sepoy artillery. There were no European soldiers 
whatever at Allahabad, except the British officers in 
command of the sepoys. 
The colonel and officers of the Bengal sepoys had 


Sepoy Revolt : North "West, Cawkpobb, Ldcknow. 239 

the most perfect confidence in their men. They had chap. ti. 
alwaya encouraged the sepoys in their Bports, and Misplaced 
contributed toward the expenses. It was rumoured fidenw. 
in the newspapers that the sepoy regiment was dis- 
affected, but the colonel published an unqualified 
denial, and declared that the rumour was false and 
malicious. The British residents at Allahabad were, 
however, by no means satisfied with this denial. They 
were alarmed at the reports which reached them of 
mutiny and murder elsewherCj and after the revolt at 
Delhi, they complained that they were not suflS- 
ciently protected. But no European soldiers were 
available, not even to garrison the important fortress. 
Accordingly the British authorities tried to allay 
the public fears by ordering up sixty-five European 
invalids &om Chunar. Thus the European garrison 
of the great fortress at Allahabad, which commanded 
all communications between Bengal and the North- 
West, consisted for a while of sixty-five invalids. 
Eventually 100 European non-combatants formed 
themselves into a volunteer company, and helped to 
garrison the place. Meanwhile, every batch of 
European soldiers that arrived from Bengal was at 
once sent 120 miles further up the river Ganges to 
the city of Cawnpore, the frontier station towards 

Allahabad was tranquil. In spite of the outbreak Treaderj. 
at Meerut, the revolt at Delhi, and the reports of 
mutinies at other stations, all fear of danger seemed to 
have passed away. On the Ist of June, the suspected 
Bengal re^ment volunteered to join the besieging 
force at Delhi. This movement was at once accepted 
as a certain proof of the loyalty and fidelity of the 
sepoys. The thanks of Lord Canning were sent by 


240 India under British Rule. 

cBAT^vL telegraph to the officers and men, and news arrived at 
the same time that the sepoys had mutinied at 
Benares, and were in full march to Allahabad en 
route for Delhi. 

Erpoctad Prepai'ations were at once made for repulsing 
from the rebels. The fortress was garrisoned by sixty- 
five European invalids, 100 European volunteers, 
600 Sikhs, and 100 sepoys of the faithful Bengal 
regiment. The guns of the fortress were pointed to 
the Benares road. The only entrance to Allahabad in 
that direction was by a bridge over the Jumna. Ac- 
cordingly two guns and two companies of the Bengal 
sepoys were ordered down to the bridge to open fire 
upon the mutineers from Benares. 
Asutio On the 6th of June every European at Allababad 
was expecting the mutineers from Benares. In the 
afternoon the thanks of Lord Canning were publicly 
read on the parade ground to the remaining companies 
of the Bengal sepoys. The men cheered like Europeans, 
and when the regiment fell out, the British officers 
shook hands with the sepoys. The mess dinner in 
the evening was attended by every British officer at 
the station who was not on duty elsewhere. At the 
mess table nothing was to be heard but rejoicings and 
congratulations. The Bengal regiment at AUahabad 
had proved its loyalty, and received the thanks of the 
Governor General. Eight young ensigns, mere boys, 
who had jufet arrived from England, were present at 
this memorable dinner. 

Mutiny Suddenly an alarm was sounded. No alarm was 

nu^re. fclt, however, because every one thought that the 
rebels from Benares had reached the bridge. The 
officers buckled on their swords, mounted their 
horses, and rode down to their lines to call out the 


Sepot Revolt : North West, Cawnpoke, Lucknow. 241 

men. On reaching the parade ground they were chap^vi. 
receiyed by a volley of musketry from their own 
sepoys, the men with whom they had shaken hands 
that very afternoon. The colonel managed to escape 
to the fortreas, but most of the officers were shot 
dead. At the same time the sepoy guards at the mess 
house fell on the young ensigna who had been left be- 
hind. The boys fought desperately for their lives, but 
were overpowered by numbers and brutally murdered. 

By this time the sepoys at the bridge heard the jumnK 
firing in the cantonment, and at once broke out in ^"^^ 
mutiny, and turned against their officers. The 
British officers were taken by surprise and could do 
nothing. Some were shot dead, but moat of them 
plunged into the river Jumna, and escaped by 
swimming to the fortress. 

All this while the Fort at Allahabad was in im- Fortieu at 
minent danger. There were 200 Europeans within * 
the walls, but many were invalids, and nearly all 
the others were volunteers. They had to deal with 
400 doubtful Sikhs and 100 Bengal sepoys. They 
heard the sound of firing, and thought that the 
rebels had arrived from Benares ; but the blazing 
bungalows in the cantonment soon told a very 
different story. The Bengal sepoys were promptly 
disarmed and turned out of the fortress. The 
Sikhs were left to do as they pleased. They 
soon began to plunder the European stores, which 
private merchants had deposited in the Fort for 
safety ; and they sold the liquors to the European 
soldiers for small sums, so that drunkenness soon 
added to the general terror and confusion. The 
result was most lamentable. When British soldiers 
can buy excellent wines and spirits at a few pence 


242 India under Bbitish Rule. 

CHAP. VI. a bottle, they soon become drunk and incapable ; 
and such was the state of affairs inside the fortress 
of Allahabad after the mutiny of the 6th of June. 

Devilry. Meanwhile the horrible devilry outside the fortress 
was as murderous and destructive as at Meerut. The 
whole station was mad with excitement and riot. 
Houses were plundered and burnt Women and 
children were tortured and butchered. The jail was 
broken open and every prisoner released. The sepoys 
plundered the treasury and divided the money 
amongBt themselves, and then dispersed to their 
several homes to place the silver in a place of safety. 
But many suffered from their own folly. They were 
pursued by the veiy miscreants who had been let out 
of the jail, and many were savagely murdered and 
stripped of their ill-gotten treasures. 
NeUi Three days afterwards Colonel Neill reached Alla- 

^^^' habad with a detachment of Europeans from Benares. 
He recovered the bridge, entered the fortress, took 
over the command of the station, and soon put an 
end to the drunkenness and disorder. He could not 
punish the Sikhs, for they were the only Asiatic 
soldiery who were likely to prove faithful, whilst the 
Bengal regiments were breaking out in mutiny on all 
sides. Accordingly he stopped the drunkenness of 
the European soldiers by buying up all the remaining 
liquors from the Sikhs, and making them over to his 
commissariat officers. He then turned the Sikhs oat 
of the Fort, and encamped them without the walls 
but within range of the guns. 

Cswnpore § 4. On the 30th of June Colonel Neill left Alla- 

itoppedL habad for Cawnpore with 400 Europeans, a regiment 

of Sikhs, and two squadrons of sepoy cavalry on 


Sbpoy Revolt : North West, Cawnpore, Lucknow. 243 

whom he could not depend. Three days afterwards ch*p. vi. 
he received a terrible message irom Sir Henry 
Lawrence at Lucknow. The sepoys had mutinied 
at Cawnpore. A Mahratta Brahman, named Nana 
Sahib, had taken possession of the town and canton- 
ment with a large army of Mahratta soldiers and 
rebel sepoys. The Europeans at Cawnpore had been 
closely besieged by the enemy, but their fate was un- 
known. Neill, however, was ordered not to advance 
unless he had two complete regiments of Europeans 
under his command. Neill was therefore compelled 
to return to Allahabad, and to halt there for the 
arrival of more Europeans from Bengal. 

The story of Cawnpore ia the most heart-rending epi- story or 
sode in the annals of British India. In the earlier years 
of the century it had been the most important military 
station in Northern India. It was from Cawnpore 
that Lord Lake had started westward on his famous 
campaign against Sindia and the French sepoy bat- 
talions, which ended in the capture of Delhi and the 
deliverance of the Mogul from the Mahrattas. But 
the old glory had departed from Cawnpore. For 
years the British government had been concentrating 
its European strength at Meerut, Lahore, and Pesha- 
war. Cawnpore was stripped of all European soldiers, 
and nothing remained of the British regiments that 
had once been quartered there, but some half-ruined 
harracka and a hospital. 

In 1857 four regiments of sepoys were cantoned at Ganar.! 
Cawnpore, namely, three of infantry and one of light ^*^'"^- 
cavalry. But there was a large trading community 
of Europeans and the mixed race known as Eurasians. 
Moreover, there was a considerable number of ladies 
and children, families of the British officers of the 


244 India under British Rule. 

CHAP. VI. European regiment quartered at Lucknow. The 
station at Cawnpore was commanded by General Sir 
Hugh ^Vheeler, an old sepoy oflScer, who had served 
under Lord Lake, and was present during the Afghan 
and Sikh wars. He had been fifty-four years in India, 
and could thus look back upon a military career which 
began in 1803. He was famihar with sepoy ideaa, 
feelings and aspirations. Yet not even General 
Wheeler, with his long experiences, was able to 
provide against such an unprecedented disaster as a 
mutiny of the Bengal army against 'greased ciirtridges. 

Sore peril. Cawnporc IS Seated on the southern bank of the 
Ganges. It overlooks Oudh on the east and the North- 
West Provinces on the south aud west. It is the vertex 
of an angle, fifty-five miles south-west from Lucknow, 
and 120 miles north-west from Allahabad. The 
European residents had been greatly alarmed at the 
revolt at Delhi, for both the town and the cantonment 
were absolutely at the mercy of the sepoys. 
Bamcits Sir Hugh Wheeler had anxiously watched the flood 
ho^iiai. of mutiny which was closing around him from the 
North- West Provinces, from Oudh, and from Bengal. 
He was anxious to provide for the safety of the 
Europeans without alarming the sepoys. Accordingly 
he repaired the old barracks and hospital as a refuge 
for the Europeans, entrenched them as well as he 
could, and stored up provisions for a siege. At the 
same time he ordered the British officers to show 
confidence in the sepoys by sleeping at the lines, 
and to spare no pains to keep the men staunch to 
their colours. 

§ 5. About six miles to the northward of Cawn- 
pore was a castellated palace, at a place known as 


Sepoy Revolt: Noeth West, Cawtiporb, Lucknow. 245 

Bithoor. Here the ex-Peishwa of the Mahrattaa had chaf. vi. 
been permitted to reside after his surrender to Sir Ex- 
John Maleohn, in 1818. He wa$ harmless, and like ™t™ 
all Brahmans was resigned to his fate. He lived hke ^"'""•'■ 
a king who had retired &om business with an ample 
fortune, and he indulged in every sensual pleasure 
which money could command. He died in 1853, 
leaving no son, real or adopted. 

A boy was brought up in his household who was Nbd* 
known as Nana Sahib. He also was a Mahratta 
Brahman, the son of a dependant of the ex-Peishwa ; 
he was a favourite of the exiled prince and was 
treated as one of the family. Accordingly, when the 
ex-Peishwa died in 1853, Nana Sahib boldly asserted 
that he was an adopted son. The widow of the 
ex-Peishwa denied the fact, and asserted her own 
claims to the property. The truth has long ceased to 
be a matter of any consequence. Nana Sahib and 
the widow appear to have come to some secret 
understanding. He was permitted to inherit the 
castellated palace and grounds at Bithoor, as well as 
the money savings which amounted to about half 
a million sterling, and had been invested in govern- 
ment paper. He also provided for the widow in the 
palace of Bithoor. 

Nana Sahib had thus obtained all that he could pn,porter 
possibly have claimed had he been adopted ac-"""^'™'" 
cording to all the forms of Brahmanical law. But 
he laid claim to a continuation of the pension 
of XSO.OOO a year, which had been granted to the 
ex-Peishwa at the instance of Sir John Malcolm ; 
and Lord Dalhousie refused to take his preten- 
sions into consideration. Nana Sahib invented lies, 
which were plausible only to those who were not 


India dndee British Rule. 

. familiar with the real circumstances. He declared 
that the ex-Peishwa had surrendered his dominions on 
the understanding that the pension should be granted 
to him and to his heirs for ever. But this falsehood 
was contradicted by history, and no one gave it 
the slightest credence except the enemies of the 
East India Company, or the opponents of Lord 
Dalhousie's policy. 

Nana 8ahib was a genuine Mahratta, and 
would have persisted in forcing his claims from time 
to time upon the British government if he had lived 
for a hundred years. He was polite and smooth- 
tongued, flattering every European of influence that 
came in his way, and ever boasting of his loyalty to 
the British government. He professed to take the 
utmost pleasure in the society of Europeans, and was 
noted for his entertainments at Bithoor, to which he 
invited all the European society at Cawnpore. He 
aSected to live in state like a Hindu Raja; he kept 
six guns for firing salutes, and entertained a large 
number of Mahratta troops and followers. But he 
never forgot his claim to the pension. He constantly 
harped upon the so-caUed injustice that deprived 
him of it ; and he employed agents both in India and 
Great Britain to urge the British government to treat 
the pension as perpetual and hereditary. ' 

When the Bengal sepoys began to express horror 
at the greased cartridges, Nana Sahib denounced their 
foUy in supposing that the British government had" 
planned the destruction of their religion. When the 
news arrived of the outbreak at Meerut, he persuaded 
the civil officials at Cawnpore to send their wives 
and other ladies to Bithoor until the storm had blown 
over. He boasted that he could protect them against 


Srpoy Revolt : North West, Gawnpore, Ldcknow. 247 

any number of sepoya, and arrangements were actually ch*p. ti. 
made for securing the ladies at Bithoor in the event 
of a mutiny. Later on, when the revolt at Delhi had 
become common talk, the Nana proposed to organise 
a body of 1,500 Mahrattas to take the sepoys by 
surprise, and put them all to the sword, should they 
show the slightest symptom of mutiny. 

By this time the anxiety of the Europeans at Amwtips 
Cawnpore was becoming intolerable. The ladies °Enro^ 
especially suffered severely. On any night a signal ^*^*" 
might be given, and a mob of armed sepoys might be 
rushing about like madmen, burning down bunga- 
lows and murdering the women and children in their 
beds. AU were yearning for the recapture of Delhi. 
Indeed, every European in India felt that the plague 
of sepoy mutiny would never be stayed until Delhi 
was once again in the hands of the British 

§ 6. On the 21st of May, Sir Hugh Wheeler Erp«t<d 
received a distinct warning that the sepoys were ainiuy 
about to mutiny. He sent to all the European 
residents at Cawnpore to repair towards evening 
to the empty barracks. He despatched an express to 
Luckuow to beg Sir Henry Lawrence to spare him 
two or three companies of the European regiment. 
He was alarmed for the safety of the treasury, which 
was seven miles from the barracks under the charge 
of sepoy guards. He attempted to remove the 
treasure to the barracks, but the sepoys refused to 
part with it, declaring that they could guard it where 
it was. Sir Hugh Wheeler was obliged to yield, for 
he bad no means at hand to coerce the sepoys ; but 
he accepted the offer of Nana Sahib to place a 


248 India under Bkitish Kole. 

CHAP, Tt, body of his Jlaliratta soldiers on guard at the 
treasury. That very night 200 Mahratta soldiers, 
armed with matchlocks and accompanied by two 
guns, were moved from Bithoor and quartered at 
the treasury. The arrangements seem to have been 
made for the convenience of the sepoys, rather than 
for the security of the Europeans, The jail was 
close to the treasury, with its criminal inmates ; so 
too was the magazine which contained the military 
stores. All three buildings were near the river 
Ganges on the road to Delhi. 
Horrible The coufusion and terror which prevailed that 
sttspense. jjjgjit; may be imagined. Ladies and children were 
hurried from their homes, and huddled together in 
the old hospital building. Guns were drawn up on 
each side. The children were hushed off to sleep, 
but the ladies were too terrified to close their eyes. 
Next morning eighty-four European soldiers arrived 
from Lucknow and cheered the inmates of the 
hospital and barracks. But during the week that 
followed, the suspense was almost beyond endurance. 
One lady lost her reason, and all suffered from trials, 
privations, exposure and alarms which cannot be 
described. Daily and hourly they expected an in- 
surrection of Asiatics who knew not how to pity or 
how to spare. Some wished that the storm would 
burst upon them and put an end to the harrowing 
anxiety that was eating into their souls. Amidst 
all these dangers the British officers still slept at the 
sepoy lines. 
Hope. On the Slst of May, after a horrible night, the first 
instalment of European reinforcements arrived from 
Bengal. Others appeared during the two following 
days, -and brought the joyful news that they were 


Sepoy Revolt : North West, Cawnpore, Lucknow. 249 

tbe forerunners of several regiments ; that European otap. vi. 
troops were pouring into Calcutta &om Madras, 
Burma and Ceylon, and were being hurried up by 
river steamera, bullock trains and country carriages. 
Sir Hugh Wheeler was so confident of being very 
shortly more than a match for the sepoys, that with 
a chivabous regard for the safety of Sir Henry 
Lawrence, he sent a portion of his Europeans back to 

Then followed the delays at Benares and AUaha- Sickening 
bad ; the stoppage of reinforcements ; the hope 
deferred that maketh the heart sick. To crown all, 
the Indian sun was burning fiercely on the barracks, 
and the hot winds of June were blowing through the 
rooms. Many Europeans were carried off by sick- 
ness, and their fate was almost to be envied, for life 
itself was becoming intolerable. Had the Europeans 
been all men, they might have cut their way to 
Agra, and forced a passage down the river to Allaha- 
bad. But Sir Hugh Wheeler bad 300 women and 
children on his hands, and it was impossible to carry 
them away in the face of sepoys and rebels. No 
other alternative was thought of for a moment. No 
European could dream at such a crisis of leaving 
women and children to the tender mercies of sepoys. 

§7. Ail this while there were no suspicions of Nbm 
treachery as regards Nana Sahib ; yet in reality the cwnpoit. 
Mahratta Brahman was moving about like an evil 
spirit in disguise. To show his loyalty and attach- 
ment to the British, he left his palace at Bithoor, 
and took up his quarters at a house within the civil 
station at Cawnpore. His real purpose was to escite 
the sepoys to revolt, but to prevent them from 


250 India under British Role. 

eir\p. Ti. rushing off to Delhi, and rallying round a Moham- 
medan sovereign. He was not a Mohammedan, but 
a Hindu ; besides that, he was a representative of 
Hindu sovereigns, the extinct Mahratta Peishwas, 
who, according to His own views, were the rightful 
rulers of India. In his secret heart he fondly 
dreamed of upsetting British supremacy, and re- 
storing the old days of Mahratta anarchy, when the 
Brahman Peishwa ruled at Poona as the head of the 
Mahratta confederacy, whilst his lieutenants, Sindia 
and Holkar, plundered Hindustan in his name. 
Biindnsss A more dangerous character than Nana Sahib 
Euro- never entered a British cantonment in India. The 
P""*' civil officials and the army oflScers were alike de- 
ceived. No one believed in his truth or hones^', 
but they imagined that he was looking after his own 
interest with that pertinacity which characterises 
Mahrattas. In other words, that he was rendering 
ostentatious services in the hope of being rewarded 
with the life pension of the deceased Peishwa, 
Unpopn. But Nana Sahib encountered overwhelming diffi- 
''Nana"*^ culties from the outset. Like all Mahratta Brahmans 
Sahib, ijg i^^j jjjjg highest opinion of his caste and claims. 
Indeed his assumption was unbounded. But the 
Brahmans and Rajputs of Oudh and the North-West 
Provinces, who formed the bulk of the sepoy army 
of Bengal, were by no means inclined to accept a 
Mahratta sovereign, unless they were highly paid 
for their allegiance. They were prepared to make 
him their tool, and to tender him sham reverence, 
80 long as he was liberal with money and bangles 
of gold or silver ; but they had no more respect for 
the Mahratta, than the sepoyB at Delhi had for the 
Mogul Padishah. 


Sepoy Revolt : North West, Cawnpore, Ldcknow. 251 

Nana Sahib seems to have been more or le3s aware chap. vi. 
of this state of affairs. He had entertained a large Seciecy 
number of Mahratta soldiers ostensibly to help the duplicity 
British to suppress the sepoys ; just as the ex-Peishwa 
had raised a Mahratta army in 1817 ostensibly to 
help the British to suppress the Pindharis. Mean- 
while Nana Sahib quietly sold out the half million 
sterling which had been invested in government 
paper. He had thus ample funds for carrying out 
his designs. But neither Nana Sahib nor the sepoya 
betrayed the thoughts that were agitating their 
brains. Secrecy and surprise, with the necessary 
element of duplicity, are the main strength of 

§8. On the 4th of June, the very day that Neill Mutiny of 
reached Benares, Sir Hugh "Wheeler was warned ""*' 
that the sepoys were plotting mutiny and murder. 
Accordingly he ordej-ed the British officers to leave 
off sleeping at the sepoy lines. That same night 
the sepoys broke out in mutiny. The cavalry gal- 
loped off to the treasury and helped the Mahi-attas 
to plunder it. The British officers left the barracks 
and hastened to the lines, but were fired upon by 
the sepoys. The rebels loaded a number of country 
carts with plunder from the treasury and magazine, 
and then set off with all speed to the first stage 
on the road to Delhi. 

Nana Sahib accompanied the rebels, but implored n«b« 
them not to go to Delhi, He swore that a large joins tiio 
treasure was hidden away in the barracks, and urged •*p°5'^ 
the sepoys to return and capture it, and slaughter 
all the Eeringhis. Asiatics will believe any stories 
of hidden treasure. The sepoys were also told that 


252 India under British Rule. 

CHA.?. Ti. enough guns and powder remaioed ia the magazine 
to enable them to storm the barracks with ease. 
Accordingly, on the 6th of June, the sepoys returned 
to Cawnpore with Nana Sahib at their head. 

PropitiitM Nana Sahib now began to appear in his true 
ml^ colours. He pitched his camp in the centre of the 
iiSidn*. station and hoisted two standards, to conciliate both 
Mohammedans and Hindus ; namely, the green Sag 
of Islam, and the Hindu god Hanuman, the friend 
of Rama, the avatar of Viehnu. He sent a body of 
horsemen into the town of Cawnpore to kill every 
European and Christian they could find. He 
mounted some heavy guns and prepared to assault 
the entrenched barracks. 

Bonihftid- Next moming, the 7th of June, Nana Sahib sent 

Europesn a letter to General Wheeler threatening to attack 
the British garrison. Several guns began to open 
fire on the barracks, and volleys of musketry were 
dischai^ed from all quarters.. Meanwhile Nana 
Sahib was reinforced by mutineers from Allahabad, 
by irregulars from Lucknow, by rebels from Oudh, 
and by armed bands of brigands and blackguards 
from all the country round. 
Cruelty At this period Nana Sahib was guilty of cowardly 

ooiwrdke. malice and revolting cruelty which appear incredible 
to Europeans. British refugees were flying from 
mutinous sepoys ; floating down the river Ganges 
in boats in the hope of reaching Allahabad. They 
were arrested at Cawnpore, brought before the 
inhuman Mahratta, and brutally murdered. Men, 
women, and children were cut to pieces like cattle. 
The Europeans in the barracks heard nothing of 
these butcheries, or the story of Cawnpore would 
have had a different ending. But they knew 


Sepoy Revolt : North West, Cawnpoee, Lucknow. 253 

enough to resist to the death every assault of the chap, tl 
enemy. The rebels, on their part, kept up a hot 
fire, and made frequent rushes on the earthworks, 
but they never ventured on hand-to-hand encounters. 
Their one solitary exploit was to set fire to the 
hospital, and then, whilst the place was buroii^, 
and every effort was being made to save the inmates, 
a mass of rebels tried to storm the barracks. The 
assault, however, was a failure. The enemy was 
driven back by the British guns, but many of the 
sick and wounded Europeans perished in the flaming 

On the 24th and 25th of Jane there was some PuieTing 
parleying. The British garrison could hold out no pntdj. 
longer. Provisions and stores were exhausted. Nana 
Sahib was frightened and humiliated by the obstinate 
courage of the British. Moreover he was yearning 
for the pomp and pleasure of sovereignty. Under such 
circumstanees he sent written messages to General 
Wheeler by the hands of a woman. He solemnly 
swore that he would provide boats for the passage 
of the whole of the beleaguered Europeans down 
the Ganges to Allahabad, provided the British would 
surrender their arms, and leave him in possession of 
the cannon, and of what remained in the treasury 
and magazine. Few men of Indian experience would 
have trusted in the good faith of Nana Sahib ; bat 
Sir Hugh Wheeler was bowed down by the weight of 
years, and by the terrible responsibility of the women 
and children, and in an evil hour he accepted the 
terms offered by the false-hearted Mahratta, 

§ 9. On the morning of the 27th of June, 450 MusMr* 
Europeans left the barracks and proceeded to the 


254 India dnder British Edlb. 

CHAP. vr. river side. The sick and wounded were carried in 
palanquins ; the women and children were placed on 
elephants and bullock carts ; the men went on foot. 
Forty boats were moored in the shallows of the river, 
and the men waded through the water whilst the 
others were carried to the boats. All were on board 
by nine o'clock, and the boats were loosened from 
their moorings. A crowd of sepoya and rebels was 
assembled on both banks of the river to witness the 
departure of the Europeans. Suddenly a bugle was 
sounded. VoUej's of musketry were fired upon the 
boats, and shrieks of agony and terror rose from the 
hapless passengers. Presently the thatched roofs of 
some of the boats caught fire, and the flames rapidly 
spread as the boats were huddled together. Many 
of the doomed passengers jumped overbotird. One 
boat escaped down the stream, but only four indi- 
viduals survived to tell the story. Many were shot 
dead or were drowned in the river. The rest were 
all dragged ashore helpless and unarmed. The men 
were allowed a few moments to prepare for death, 
and one of their number who had preserved a Prayer 
Book, read a portion of the Liturgy. All the men 
were then shot dead by volleys of musketry. The 
women and children, who escaped alive, to the 
number of 125, were carried off and lodged in a 
building close to the head-quarters of Nana Sahib. 
Trinmph That night there were great rejoicings in the station 
s«hib. at Cawnpore. The Mahratta Brahman was puffed 
up with his Bo-ealled victory over British captives. 
Money and bangles were freely distributed to the 
murderera, whilst salutes were fired from the cannon, 
and the whole station was ablaze with fireworks and 
illuminations. The infamous Kana Sahib, the last 


Sepoy Revolt : Noeth West, CAWupoiiE, Ldcknow. 255 

faint shadow of the Mahratta Brahmans who had chap^vi. 
oace reigned at Poona, was proclaimed conqueror of 
the British, and Peishwa of Hinduatan. 

But the avenging furies were already at the heels Terrors. 
of the Mahratta Brahman. Neither drugs nor dancing 
girls could quiet his terrors. The Mohammedan 
sepoya were already plotting his destruction ; they 
wanted to restore the reign of Islam, not to set up 
the idolatry which was denounced in the Koran. 
The lavish dUtribution of treasures might please 
them for a while, but would not satisiy them, in the 
end. Meanwhile, the Rajputs were ready enough 
to accept his rupees and bangles, but they were his 
masters, and compelled him to do their bidding. To 
crown his anxieties, a column of European soldiers 
was soon on its way from Allahabad to avenge the 
slaughter of their countrymen at Cawnpore, and to 
deliver British wives; mothers, and widows, together 
with their helpless children, from the hands of the 
perjured destroyer. 

That same month of June saw a like massacre at huucto 
Jhansi, about 150 miles to the south of Cawnpore, *' "' 
amidst the hills and jungles of Bundelkund. British 
rule had been introduced, together with a garrison of 
Bengal sepoys. The sepoys mutinied as they did 
elsewhere, and the Europeans, to the number of 
fifty-five men, women, and children, took refuge in 
an old fortress until the storm blew over. The 
sepoys could not capture the fortress. The widow 
of the deceased chief sent them elephants and guns, 
but they were of no avail. At last it was known 
that the provisions within the fortress were ex- 
hausted. The widow and the sepoys solemnly swore 
to conduct the besieged to another station, if they 


256 India under Bbitish Rule. 

CSJL.V.TI. would only lay down their arms. The tenna were 
accepted ; the besieged left the fortress two by two, 
and were all seized, bound, and butchered without 
further parley. 

OenerJ § 10. Early in July, General Havelock reached 
HiTtioek. juiahabad with 1,000 Europeans and 200 Sikhs, and 
joined his forces with those of Colonel Neill, and 
took the command. The one object of the expedi- 
tion was to relieTe the British garrisons at Cawnpore 
and Lucknow, and to save the women and children. 

Henry Havelock was short in stature, and spare 
in form. He was a pale man of ascetic habits, 
who might have served in Cromwell's Ironsides. 
He was a soldier to the backbone, 'but religious 
to the verge of fanaticism. His whole life was 
devoted to fighting and prayer. He thirsted for 
military glory and the conversion of Mohammedans 
and Hindus. He had seen much service. He had 
distinguished himself in the first Burma war and the 
first Afghan war, and had published clear and able 
narratives of both campaigns. He had also dis- 
tinguished himself in the Gwalior war and the two 
Sikh wars ; and he had just returned from the Persian 
expedition, in which he had commanded a division. 
But the straitness of his religious views had interfered 
with his promotion, and the greater part of his life had 
been spent in regimental duty. He was approaching 
the age when men usually retire from active service ; 
but he was destined, during the last few months of 
his career, to become famous throughout the civilised 

AdvMce On the 7th of July General Havelock left Allaha- 
Cawnpon. bad for Cawnpore with less than 2,000 Eturopeuis and 


Sepoy Revolt : North West, Cawnpoee, Lucknow. 257 

Sikhs. By thia time the slaughter of the Europeans chap. vi. ' 
at Oawnpore was noised abroad, but there were still 
hopes of saving the women and children. There was 
a march of 120 miles between Allahabad and Cawn- 
pore. An Indian sun glared down at intervals, but 
the heat was moderated by heavy rains, which were 
equaUy deadly. Fever, dysentery, and cholera, carried 
off more victims than the enemy's fire. But men 
and officers were one and all animated by the same 
determined spirit to be revenged on Nana Sahib and 
the rebels, and to save the women and children at 

At Futtehpore, about two-thirds of the way to Treachery 
Cawnpore, there had been a sepoy mutiny, and a denatj- 
civil rebellion, headed by a Mohammedan deputy '"* 
collector. The European residents had already sent 
their wives and families to Allahabad, and when the 
outbreak took place they all escaped on horseback 
save one. The exception was Mr. Robert Tucker, of 
the Bengal civil service, the judge of the district, who 
refused to abandon his post. The Asiatics, headed 
by the Mohammedan deputy-collector, environed Mr. 
Tucker's house and overpowered him, but not until 
he had slain sixteen men with his own hands. He 
was then brought to a mock trial, at which the 
Mohammedan presided, and of course was condemned 
and executed, and his head, hands, and feet held up 
for the inspection of the rabble. 

When Nana Sahib was master of Cawnpore, he Defeat of 
sent a large fwce of rebel cavalry to Futtehpore, ^ ""' 
to defeat the European column, and if possible to 
capture the fortress of Allahabad. But he was too 
late. Had the rebels advanced against Allahabad 
before the outbreak, they might have captured the 


258 India dnder Beitish Eule. 

CHAP. VI. fortress, and blocked out all reinforcements fixnn 
Bengal. As it was, they were utterly defeated and 
dispersed by Havelock's column. 
Execution After the battle the Mohammedan deputy-collector 
murderer, appeared to offer his congratulations to General Have- 
lock To his intense surprise, he found that his crime 
was known to the British authorities. He was 
arrested on the spot, and within a brief iuter\'al he 
was tried, convicted, and hanged for the murder of 
the British judge. 

Tr«g*dy»t § 11. Next day another rebel force was routed, 
""^"^ and then followed a crowning victory at Cawnpore. 
But now Havelock was too late. Maddened by 
defeat, Nana Sahib had ordered the slaughter of 
the women and children, and then had fled away 
in the hope of finding refuge at his castle at 

The well. Never before had British soldiers beheld such a 
sight as met their eyes at Cawnpore. Other fugitive 
women and children had been captured by Nana 
Sahib, and 200 helpless beings had been imprisoned 
in the same building. A veil may be thrown over 
their sufferings. Some of the poor ladies were com- 
pelled to grind corn for the household of Nana Sahib, 
and they were glad to do so, as it enabled them to 
bring back some flour for their half- starved children. 
In this wretched plight, longing for relief but despair- 
ing of succour, they had been suddenly attacked by 
sepoys and rebels, and mercilessly hacked to pieces 
with swords and hatchets, and then thrust into a 
well. Never, so long as a Briton remains in India, 
will the ghastly well at Cawnpore be forgotten. Since 
then a Christian church has been built over tibe well, 


Sepoy Revolt : Nobth West, Cawnpoeb, Lucknow. 259 

and a marble angel is seen with outspread wings, as ohap^ti. 
if imploring forgiveness and mercy. 

Haveloek advanced to Bithoor, but Nana Satib had DBstmc 
fled into Oudh. At Bithoor Haveloek demolished BithooT. 
the castle, and brought away the guns. Within a 
few days he left General NeiU at Cawnpore, and 
crossed the Ganges into Oudh with a force of 1,500 
Europeans and Sikhs, for the relief of Lucknow. 

§ 12. It was now the middle of July, and it isL^bww: 
necessary to glance at the progress of affairs at jniy. 
Lucknow since the 3rd of May. On that day an 
irregular corps of Oudli sepoys had threatened to 
murder its European adjutant ; but that same night 
a force of European soldiers and Bengal sepoys 
marched against them. The mutineers surrendered 
their arms, and then rushed off in a panic of terror 
towards Delhi. The Bengal sepoys hotly pursued 
them, and arrested the ringleaders. But the scare 
at greased cartridges was rankling in the breasts 
of these very Bengal sepoys ; and Sir Henry 
Lawrence had reason to fear that sooner or later 
they would break out in mutiny like the Oudh 

For the moment, however, the Bengal regulars had Bengal 
been overawed by the prompt action of the Euro- rewtrdad. 
peans. Accordingly Sir Henry Lawrence determined 
on a public distribution of presents to the Asiatic 
officers and sepoys who had distinguished themselves 
on the 3rd of May ; and thus to show that if the 
British government was prompt to punish mutiny, 
it was equally prompt in rewarding faithful service. 

A grand durbar was held on the evening of the Dnrbwof 


260 India under British Rule. 

CHAP. Ti. military residents at Lucknow, all the officera and 
men of the Bengal regiments, and many Asiatic 
officials were assembled on the lawn in front of the 
Residency. Carpets had been laid down, and chairs 
arranged to form three sides of a square. Sir Henry 
Lawrence entered, followed by his staff, and a large 
body of officers, and took his seat at the head 
of the assemblage. Beside him were deposited the 
trays of presents. Before, however, distributing the 
rewards, he delivered a solemn and earnest speech 
in Hindustani. 
Speech of Sir Henry Lawrence reminded the Hindu sepoys 
Lawton^that Mohammedan rulers had never respected 
their religion, and had converted many Hindus to 
Islam by forcing beef down their throats. He 
reminded the Mohammedan sepoys that their religion 
had been cruelly persecuted by the Sikh rtUers of 
the Punjab. He reminded one and all that for a 
whole century the British government had tolerated 
both Hinduism and Islam, and never interfered with 
either. He dwelt on the power and resources of 
Great Britain, her numerous ships and her exploits 
in the Russian war; and he declared that within a few 
months she could assemble an army as large as that 
in the Crimea in the vicinity of Lucknow. He urged 
all present to believe the assurances of the British 
government, and he solemnly warned the sepoys that 
if any of them became the dupes of fools or knaves, 
like the mutineers at Berhampore and Barrackpore, 
the British would inflict such a punishment as would 
be remembered for generations. The presents were 
then distributed, and Sir Henry Lawrence shook 
hands with the recipients. 

The speech and the rewards made a deep impres- 


Sepoy Revolt: North West, Cawnpore, Lucknow. 261 

sion on the sepoys, but it did not last. Four days obax. ti. 
later the news arrived of the revolt at Delhi, and News of 
mischief was again brewing. Another fortnight Delhi, 
passed away without mutiny, and Sir Henry Law- ^' 

rence gained time for making the necessary prepara- 
tions. He entrenched the Residency and adjoining 
buildings, and collected large quantities of provisions 
and stores. Meanwhile the Europeans in Lucknow, 
who were not serving as regimental officers, were 
formed into a volunteer corps. 

On the 30th of May, in the middle of the night, oenend 
about 2,000 sepoys of the regular Bengal army broke soS ^y. 
out in mutiny at t^e cantonment on the opposite side 
of the river. European officers were killed, and 
houses were pillaged and burnt. Sir Henry Lawrence 
hurried across the river with a company of Europeans 
and two guns, to protect the bridges and prevent the 
mutineers from communicating with the disaflFeeted 
population of Lucknow. Presently the sepoys came 
rushing up to the bridges, but were driven back by 
a voUey of grape. They dispersed, but made no 
attempt to reach Delhi. On the contrary, they halted 
at a place named Sitapore, within the province of 
Oudh, where they remained several weeks and did 

Meanwhile the storm was gathering. Early in FropoMd 
June news arrived of the treachery of Nana Sahib at c° 
Cawnpore. General Wheeler wrote to Sir Henry 
Lawrence imploring help and protection for the 
women and children in the barracks. But Sir Henry 
Lawrence was in sore straite and could not spare a 
European soldier. He had been authorised to with- 
draw from Oudh in case of emergency, and possibly 
had he beat a retreat from Lucknow to Cawnpore, he 


262 India under British Edlb. 

CHAT. VI. might have prevented the massacres. But the step 
would have been more hazardous and desperate than 
the abandonment of Peshawar by his brother John. 
No one anticipated massacre, and reinforcements of 
Europeans from Bengal might reach Cawnpore at any 
moment, and stamp out the mutiny and crush the 
Nana. Retreat from Oudh would not only have 
involved the loss of a province, but imparted a fatal 
strength to mutiny and murder from Bengal to the 
Punjab. The flag of Mohammedan revolt was still 
floating over Delhi, and had it floated over Lucknow, 
the second Mohammedan city in Hindustan, British 
prestige would have vanished for a while from 
Northern India, 
Matineen In June mutiny and murder were running riot at 
dStricu. dififerent stations in Oudh. At some places the atroci- 
ties committed on Europeans were heartrending. At 
one station there was an outbreak on a Sunday 
morning. The sepoys rushed into the church during 
divine service and killed the British magistrate and 
several officers. Some thirty Europeans, including 
ladies and children, fled for their lives, and escaped to 
a station named Mohamdi, where a detachment of 
Oudh irregulars were quartered under the command 
of Captain Orr. The very sight of European fugitives 
taking refuge at the station, drove the sepoys into 
rebellion. Captain Orr assembled the Asiatic officers 
and appealed to their common himianity. The men 
were moved to compassion. They crossed their arms 
on the head of one of their comrades, and solemnly 
swore to conduct all the Europeans in safety to 
another station. 

The convoy started at five o'clock in the evening ; 
the men on foot or on horseback, and the women and 


Sepoy Revolt ; North West, Cawstobe, Lucknow. 263 

children in a carriage and baggage waggon. Suddenly csap. ti. 
they found that they were pursued by sepoys. They Massacre 
did their beat to hasten on the carriage and waggon, psana. 
but were soon overtaken and surrounded. A gun was 
filed, a British officer was shot down, and then 
followed a general massacre. Women and children 
were slaughtered with infernal cruelty. A few fugi- 
tives escaped the slaughter, but were doomed to 
privations and sufferings on which it is painful to 

§ 13. The Residency at Lucknow was still a place HoaWity 
of refuge, although it might possibly be soon over- Lucknow. 
whelmed by numbers. No effort was spared by the 
disaffected to stir up the city population against the 
British authorities. Proclamations were posted from 
day to day on Hindu temples, and Mohammedan 
mosques and palaces, calling upon the people to wage 
a holy war again-st the Feringhi. Horrible effigies, 
dressed as British officers and children, but without 
heads, were carried through the streets by the rabble. 
Plots were discovered and individuals were arrested, 
but British prestige was dying out with alarming 
rapidity, and by the end of June British authority 
had little influence outside the limits of the Residency 
at Lucknow. 

On the 29th of June reports came in that an army Diauter 
of 6,000 rebels was marching towards the British chinhnt. 
Residency, and that an advanced guard of 1,000 
might be expected to arrive on the following morn- 
ing. Sir Henry Lawrence marched out to attack the 
advance guard, with 300 Europeans, eleven guns, 
and about 300 Asiatics, including sepoy cavalry, 
and native artillery drivers. There was treachery 


264 India under British Rttle. 

cuAP. VI. from the outset. Instead of an advanced guard of 
1,000, th© whole body of insurgents was hidden in 
the jungle behind the village of Chinhut, about six 
miles from the Residency. Ae Sb: Henry Lawrence 
approached he was met by a heavy fire from a bat- 
tery of guns posted in the village. The Europeans 
advanced; the British guns returned the enemy's fire 
with great effect, and victory was assured. At that 
moment the Asiatic artillery drivers turned traitors, 
cut the traces, tumbled the guns into a ditch, and 
deserted to the enemy. The 300 Europeans were 
thus left exposed to a terrible fire and forced to beat 
a retreat. They were compelled to abandon their killed 
and wounded, and only one hundred reached the Resi- 
dency. Sir Henry Lawrence was severely wounded, 
and worn out with fatigue and despair, but was 
brought away on a gun-carriage. 
DefOTce The rebel army followed the Europeans. They 

Besidencj reached the bridge which led to the Residency, but 
were driven back by the fire of the British batteries. 
They forded the river at another spot, and began 
to plunder the wealthy quarter of Lucknow. This 
gave the British garrison breathing time. They 
abandoned the cantonment on the opposite bank, 
and many of the buildings near the Residency. 
Henceforth they contracted the area of defence to 
the British Residency and a few houses within the 
Residency enclosure. 
RwideDcj The siege of the British Residency soon began in 

3othJ^. right earnest. The besieged within the enclosure 
numbered 500 British soldiers, 150 British officers, 
500 women and children, and some 300 or 400 
aepoys who had remained loyal. The besiegers 
soon numbered from 25,000 to 50,000 rebels. They 


Sepoy Revolt : North West, Cawnpore, Ldcknow. 265 

environed the Residency enclosure with a circle of chap, ti, 
guna. They kept up a heavy and continuous fire, 
and killed and wounded many of the British garrison, 
but they could not capture a single position. 

On the second day of the siege Sir Henry Law- Death of 
rence was mortaUy wounded by the bursting of a uwwnca, 
shell. He died on the 4th of July, exhorting those **-''''y- 
around him to entrench night and day, and to shut 
their ears against all suggestions of surrender. 
Such was the terrible lesson which had been taught 
to every European in India by the treacherous 
massacres at Cawnpore. 

The besiegers increased in numbers with mar- DiMMudoa 
vellous rapidity. They were joined by all the rebel tha r^«. 
sepoys in Oudh ; by the vassals of the talukdars, 
who were mostly brigands ; and by the scum of the 
population of Lucknow. They were, however, at 
constant strife with each other ; torn by quarrels 
about religion, politics, or personal animosities. One 
prince was raised to the throne and another was 
placed in command of the army, but their authority 
was nominal The rebels elected their own officers, 
and the officers chose their own generals; but 
cowardice and insubordination were rampant, and 
commanding officers often lost their lives in attempts 
to uphold their short-lived dignities. 

Meanwhile there was a reign of terror in the city inarehr 
of Lucknow. The orderly and peaceful classes, ™ty.' 
which made up the bulk of the population, were 
overwhelmed by taxes and exactions of all kinds ; 
and bankers, traders and other wealthy citizens, must 
have yearned for the restoration of a rule under 
which life and property were always respected. 

At early morning, on the 21st of July, there was 


266 India uitobb British Rule. 

CHAF. TL a general assault. The batteries opened on the 
Bepoiwof Residency from all sides. The sepoys advanced in 
sut Jaiy ! compact masses to the trenches, but were driven 
j2J^o^Ij_ back by the fire of the Europeans. The next day 
the struggle was renewed, but with the same result. 
The British garrison, amidst all these toils and priva- 
tions, exulted in the conviction that they could 
repulse the assaults of the rebel besiegers until help 
should arrive. That very night a faithful sepoy got 
inside the Residency with the news that General 
Havelock had compelled Nana Sahib to fly for his 
life, and had recaptured the city and cantonment of 

Havelock § 14. Havelock failed to reach Lucknow. His 
wtreflta. bj-ave little column worked wonders. It scattered 
large armies of rebels by bayonet charges, but it was 
rapidly reduced by three fatal diseases — fever, dysen- 
tery and cholera. Havelock could not spare troops 
for keeping up his communications with Cawnpore ; 
be was compelled to carry his sick and wounded 
with him, and he was losing fifty men a day. Before 
he had fought his way a third of the distance, be 
was compelled with a heavy heart to fall back on 
MuUny in Havelock reached Cawnpore just in time to save 
defence of Ncill from bciug Overwhelmed by rebel armies. 
European reinforcements from Bengal had again 
been delayed by mutinies. At Fatna there had 
been a Mohammedan plot which was quashed at 
the outset by Mr. William Tayler, a Bengal civilian. 
At Dinapore, ten miles west of Patna, three sepoy 
regiments had mutinied. At Arrah, twenty-five 
miles still further to the west, a large body of rebels 


Sepoy Revolt : North West, Cawnpobe, Lucknow. 267 

had attacked and plundered the Btation ; but sixteen ohap. ti. 
Europeans and fifty Sikhs defended a single house 
against 3,000 rebels for an entire week, when they 
were relieved by a detachment of Europeans from 
Dinapore under the command of Major Vincent 

Meanwhile the suspense of the Europeans in the En»p««n 
Eesidency at Lucknow was becoming intense. The^^^w. 
provisions were coarse and beginning to fail Most 
of the native servants and all the bakers had fled at 
the beginning of the siege. Balls, bullets, and frag- 
ments of shelU fell into every dwelling-place ; and 
ladies and children on beds of sickness were as much 
exposed to the fire of the enemy as the soldiers in 
the trenches. There was, however, no slackening on 
the part of the garrison. Every man in the Resi- 
dency worked in the trenches. OflScera, soldiers, and 
civilians were either returning the enemy's fire, or 
digging with spades and pickaxes. The rains allayed 
the burning heat ; but fever, dysentery, and cholera 
carried ofi" their victims. No one thought of capitu- 
lation. Cawnpore had steeled every British heart. 
Husbands and fathers would have slain their own 
wives and daughters, rather than they should have 
fallen into the hands of the merciless besiegera 

All this while General Havelock was impatient to jMm ot 
attempt a second advance on Lucknow. His force ^'"**' 
was too small to fight a way through the streets of 
the city into the Residency enclosure. Could the 
garrison have out their way out, he might possibly 
have convoyed! the whole body in safety to Cawnpore. 
But Brigadier Inglis, who commanded the garrison, 
was hampered with 450 women and children. Ho 
had no carriage, and in any case he was unwiUing to 


268 India dnder British Rule. 

CHAP. TL abandon the guus and treasure. So Havelock and 
Inglis were both compelled to await the arrival of 
further reinforcements from Bengal. 

AdTBDceof § 15. At last about the middle of September, a 
*md column of 3,000 troops was formed at Cawnpore, of 

^^: whom 2,700 were Europeana General Sir James 
""• Outram was sent from Calcutta to take the command, 
and Havelock must have smarted at the superses- 
sion ; but Outram, who was known as the Bayard of 
India, chivalrously refused to supersede him. Accord- 
ingly the column left Cawnpore under Havelock's 

Britona to Ncvcr in British history had a' more resolute or 
"' enthusiastic column of soldiers taken the field. It 
was something for the crusaders to wrest Jerusalem 
from the infidels. It was soroethiiig to stand against 
overwhelming numbers at Agincourt and Cressy. But 
Havelock and his men had to rescue British women 
and children from the horrible fate that befell the 
victims at Cawnpore ; and neither shot nor shell, 
bullet nor barricade, could have availed against 
British valour in such a cause. 

Ci^ Md There was » five days' toilsome march from the 
™''^' Ganges, at Caw^wre to the city of Lucknow. Then 
a d&y's'hhlt for rest. Then on the glorious 25th of 
September, Havelock and his men fought their way 
into the city, whilst Outram, with a sublime contempt 
for rebels, scorned to draw his sword, and hammered 
about wij^ a walking-stick. But the work was no 
child's play. A rebel battery had to be carried with 
the bayonet. Then the high street was reached, which 
led from the suburbs to the Residency, but it was 
long and narrow. The British column might have 


Sepoy Rbvolt : Noeth West, Cawnpore, Ldcknow. 269 

Buffered heavily from barricades, or from a raking fire obap. ti. 
which might have been opened from the houses on 
either side. Outram, however, was famUiar with the 
whole labjrrinth of roads and lanes. He led the main 
body through by-ways towards the Eesidency, whilst 
the high street was closed by Highlanders and Sikhs. 
Towards evening a junction was formed, fmd the 
united forces marched straight on to the Besidency. 

Throughout the whole day the beleaguered garrison Anxfetie* 
in the Residency had been anxious and bewildered. guriMD. 
In the morning they heard the roar of cannon in the 
distant suburbs. They beheld a mob of Asiatic 
fugitives from the city — men, women, and children, 
with terrified sepoys in full uniform — all rushing to 
the bridges, or wading and swimming through the 
river. The guns of the Residency opened fire, but 
the rebel batteries responded with a storm of shot 
and shell In the afternoon discharges of musketry 
were heard ; the fusillade drew nearer and nearer. , 
Presently the Europeans and Sikhs appeared on the 
scene with mounted officers in front. Finally 
Havelock and Outram dismounted from their horses, 
and were carried on the shoulders of their men 
through an embrasure into the Residency. 

§ 16. Then arose ringing cheers which must have CbeenMul 
astonished the Hindu gods on Mount Meru. The 
pent-up hearts of the half-starved garrison could find 
no other way of giving vent to their emotions. From 
every pit, trench, and battery, from behind sand-bi^' 
piled on shattered houses, from the sick and wounded 
in the hospital, nothing was to be heard but shouts 
and cries of welcome. The British soldiers who 
poured into the Residency were equally moved 


270 India dkdee British Rule. 

cai^Ti. They had saved women and children from the 
destroyer. Rough and bearded warriors shook hands 
with the ladies all round. They took the children in 
their arms, kissed them and passed them from one to 
the other ; and with tears running down their cheeks, 
they thanked God that all were rescued. But in the 
hour of gladness there was a dash of sorrow. The 
gallant Neill had met with a glorious death in the 
streets of Lucknow. 
Have- Havelock and Outram had cut their way into the 

dUemM. Residency, but the question was how to get out 
again. It was comparatively easy to lead enthu- 
siastic battalions into a beleaguered fortress, but it 
was a very different thing to convoy 400 women and 
children, 600 sick and wounded, and a quarter of a 
million sterling in silver, through the narrow streets 
of Lucknow exposed to the fire of swarms of rebels 
thirsting for blood and rupees. 

iTnexpeot- There was, however, no alternative. Provisions 
rtaiS^ 'were exhausted. Suddenly the commissariat dis- 
covered a vast stock of grain which had been 
overlooked after the death of Sir Henry Lawrence, 
The problem was solved. The oxen which dragged 
the guns, ammunition, and baggage of Havelock's 
column would furnish the garrison with butcher's 
meat for montha Accordingly it was determined 
to remain behind the defences of the Residency 
enclosure until another European army advanced 
to the conquest of Oudh. 

SirJamea Sir Jaiucs Outram was now chief commissioner of 

oommMid" Oudh, and general in command of the garrison. 
Many positions were wrested from the rebels, and 
the area of defence was enlarged. The garrison was 
no longer in daily peril, and it was felt that an 


Sepoy Revolt ; Noeth West, Cawnporb, Lucknow. 271 

avenging army of Europeans and Sikha would soon ch*p. -n. 
deliver them. 

§ 17. MeanwMle, Sir Colin Campbell, one of theAdvanooof 
heroes in the Russian war, had been appointed com- (^pbaii, 
mander-in-chief of the Bengal army, in succession to ^^^' 
General Anson. He reached Calcutta in August, and 
prepared for a second expedition against Lucknow. In 
October an army of 4,700 Europeans and thirty-two 
guns was assembled at Cawnpore. In November 
the expedition set out for Lucknow, under the new 
commander-in-chief.^ It included a detachment of 
sadora from the Shannon frigate, who had brought 
their guns to bear upon the rebels, under the com- 
mand of Captain William Peel, a son of the illustrious 
Sir Robert The sailors excited the wonder of 
Asiatics, especially as it was reported that they 
had fish-tails like tritons, and were harnessed to 
the guns. 

Sir Colin Campbell did not attempt to drive the ^>^^- 
rebels out of the city of Lucknow. His one object death or 

,. 11- If. 1T.-T HftTelock. 

was to brmg away the besieged from the Residency. 
By Outram's advice he did not advance through 
streets or by-ways, but made a detour through the 
palaces and other royal buildings. After much hard 
fighting, he reached the Residency, and brought away 
all the besieged at twenty-four hours' notice. The 
besiegers were outwitted. They knew nothing ot 
what was going on, and continued to fire upon the 
Residency for hours after it had been abandoned, 
' Dnriug the march, the d3d Highlanders suddenly stopped, 
broke their ranks, and ruehed o& right and left like madmen. It 
va.B thonght that they were seized with a panic. It tamed out 
that they were flying from bees, who were swarming at their 
bare legs and stinging like fury. 


372 India dndbe British Rule. 

oHAP. Tt. But again there waa sadness. General Havelock 
lived long enough to receive the cross of Knight 
Commander of the Bath, and died amidst the tears 
of the women and children whom he had done his 
best to rescue. 

Gmilior § 18. Many a soldier grieved over the retirement 
c"wn^re. ^^om Lucknow, but the retreat was a painful neces- 
sity. The Gwalior contingent, maintained by Sindia 
under the treaty of 1843, had broken out in mutiny 
and joined the forces of Nana Sahib. An army of 
20,000 rebels advanced on Ca\nipore, defeated 
Brigadier Wyndham, who had been left in charge, 
and occupied the town. Sir Colin Campbell shipped 
the precious convoy from Lucknow on board a flotilla 
of steamers, and despatched them to Calcutta. He 
then took the field, and drove the GwaUor rebels 
out of Cawnpore. 
Calcutta, On the 30th of January, 1858, all the Europeans 
jftnuwT, in Calcutta flocked to the banks of the Hughly, to 
^ welcome the return of the besieged from Lucknow ; 
but when a procession of widows and orphans ap- 
peared in black raiment, with pallid faces and 
emaciated forms, the acclamations of the crowd 
died away in a deep and painful silence, and every 
eye was filled with tears for the sufl'erings of the 
survivors of the beleaguered garrison at Lucknow. 

Concia- § 19- Here ends the story of the siege and reliei 
"""' of Lucknow. In 1858 Oudh was conquered, the 
rebellion waa crushed, peace and order were restored, 
and a compromise with the talukdars was effected on 
the battle-field. The reconciliation of the people of 
Oudh with British rule and supremacy will be noted 
in a future chapter. 


Sepoy Kevolt : Noeth 'West, Cawhpobe, Lucknow. 273 

Greased cartridgea were the cause of the aepoy chap. ti. 
mutinies of 1857, but they were not the cause of dnsMof 
the revolt in Oudh ; and yet it was impossible for in Ondh. 
the British government to postpone the deposition of 
the king of Oudh or the annexation of the kingdom, 

Oudh had been drifting into anarchy ever since Pnheadod 
it had been taken under British protection. Every 
Governor-General from Lord "Wellesley to Lord Dal- 
housie had denounced the administration of Oudh 
as tyrannical, oppressive, and corrupt. Every ruler 
of Oudh had been threatened in turn ; but as the 
Resident was warned not to interfere beyond ten* 
dering advice, repeated threats were as unheeded 
as the old cry of " wolf." Sir James Outram, the 
Bayard of India, and last British Kesident at Luck- 
now, summed up his views in the following words : — 
" I have always been the upholder of native states 
as long as they retained a spark of vitality, and we 
could recognise them without infringing our treaties 
or our suzerain power. It is, therefore, most painful 
for me to have to acknowledge that if we persist in 
maintaining this feeble and corrupt dynasty, we shall 
be sacrificing the interests of ten millions of indi- 
viduals whom we are bound by treaty to protect 
by ensuring them a good government, capable of 
defending the life and property of its subjects." 

The feudatory states of India which owe allegiance Feodatory 
to the British government displayed no sympathies , 
with the Bengal sepoy, or with their mutinies against 
greased cartridges. Some may have trimmed and 
wavered, and were prepared to join the winning 
side. Contingent and subsidiary forces caught the 
infatuation against greased cartridges, and revolted 
against their British officers, and joined the mutineers. 


India dnder British Rule. 

. The Gwalior contingent revolted, but Sindia remained 
loyal. Holkar's troops revolted at Indore, and mur- 
dered every European they could find ; and this 
could scarcely have been a rebellion against greased 
cartridges.^ But after the lapse of a generation any 
suspicions of disloyalty, that may linger in the minds 
of those who are familiar with the history of the 
time, may be dropped in oblivion. 

t For an interestiog accoant of the state of affairs in Central 
India during the mutinies of 1857, see Zi/« <if Mcyor-G«ntral Sir 
ffenrt/ M. Durand, by his Son. 2 vols. 8to. London, 1883. 
Sir Henry Durand was Agent to the GoTemor- General for 
Central India, and Resident at Indore, during tlie mntiniea. 






SI. Awakening of the Britiih Nation. (2. Government EdacatJoD in India : 
Tolentdon. g3. Rritiih Bnl« after the Untin; : Lcguktirs Council of 
1S64 and EiecntiTO Council : Wrongs of Non-OSicial Enroprajti. 
S*. Mr. James Wilson aod hii Incoma-Tai, SG- New Legislative 
ConncU of 1881-62. §6. New High Court: proposed District Court* 
%1. Lord Canning leaves India, gs. Lord Elgin, 1862-63. §e. Sir John 
Lawrence, 1861-S9 : Governments of Madras and Bornbay : Migrations to 
Simla: Foreign AITairs. glO. Lord Idwrence leaves India, g II. Loi-d 
Ha]ro, 18eg-72. §12. Lord Northbrook, 1872-76: Royal vUiU to 
India. glS. Loid Ljtton, 1876-80: Empress Proclairned. §14. Second 
Afghan War. gl6. Political and Judicial Schools. |ie. Constitution of 
British India : ptoposed Reforms. 

The great and grand East India Company was chap, tm 
brought to a close after a busy life of two centuriea '^' 
and a half, extending from the age of Elizabeth to 0*?°^™ 
that of Victoria. It was still in a green old age, j"^', 
but could not escape extinction. The story of Co^i*"?- 
mutiny and revolt raised a storm in the British 
Isles which demanded the sacrifice of a victim, and 
the Company was thrown overboard like another 
Jonah. In July, 1858, India was transferred to the 
Crown by Act of Parliament. In the following 


India under Beitish Rule. 

■ November proclamation was made throughout India 
that Her Majesty Queen Victoria had assumed the 
direct government of her Eastern empire. The 
Governor-General ceased to rule in the name of the 
East India Company, and became Viceroy of India. 
The old Court of Directors, which dated back to the 
Tudors, and the Board of Control, which dated back 
to William Pitt the younger, were ahke consigned 
to oblivion. Henceforth India was managed by a 
Secretary of State in Council, and Great Britain 
was an Asiatic power. 

d §1. The sepoy mutinies awakened the British 
'oreat" nation from the lethargy of forty years. At one 
"■ time it was aroused by the discovery that the East 
India Company had acquired an empire larger than 
that of Napoleon ; but was soon immersed once more 
in its own insular concerns. The sepoy revolt of 1 857 
stirred it up to its innermost depths. The alarms 
swelled to a panic. Exeter Hall clamoured for the 
conversion of Hindus and Mohammedans to Chris- 
tianity. Some called aloud for vengeance on Delhi. 
The inhabitants were to be slaughtered as David 
slaughtered the Ammonites ; the city was to be razed 
to the ground and its site sown with salt. Others, 
more ignorant than eitherj denounced the East India 
Company and Lord Dalhousie ; demanded the resto- 
ration of British territory to Asiatic rulers, and the 
abandonment of India to its ancient superstition 
and stagnation. 
Britiaii In the olden time India was only known to the 
ignaraDM. ^^|j^ ^£ ^j^^ British nation as a land of idol-wor- 
shippers, who burnt living widows with their dead 
husbands, tortured themselves by swinging on hooks. 



thrust javelins through their tongues, prostrated chap, tbi 
themselves beneath the wheels of Juggemauth's car, — ' 
and threw their dying and dead into the holy Ganges, 
under a child-like faith that the safest way of going 
to heaven was by water. Educated men knew that 
the greater part of India had been previously con- 
quered by Mohammedans, just as Syria and Persia 
were conquered by Arabs and Turks. It was also 
known that Mohammedans hated idolatry, broke 
down idols and pagodas, built mosques in their room, 
and forced many Hindus to accept Islam. But few, 
excepting those who had lived in India, knew any- 
thing of its affairs, or cared to know anything about 
them, except when war was declared against Afghans, 
Sikhs, or Burmese, or when Parliament was about to 
renew the charter of the late East India Company. 

But the instincts of the British nation are gene- MiasionM] 
rally healthy and sensible. It subscribed largely to uooit 
missionary societies, and was led by flaming reports ^tau. 
to expect the speedy conversion of Hindus and 
Mohammedans. Such aspirations, however, were not 
to be realised. The devout were obliged to wait and 
pray; the sensible urged the East India Company 
to provide for the secular education of the masses. 
For centuries the rising generation had leamt some- 
thing of reading, writing, and arithmetic from village 
schoolmasters, mostly Brahmans. These hereditary 
schoolmasters taught the village boys from genera- 
tion to generatioD, in the same old-world fashion, 
with palm-leaves for books, sanded boards and floors 
for writing lessons, and clay marbles for working out 
little sums. Christian missionaries had established 
schools from an early period, especially in Southern 
India ; and to this day nearly every Asiatic servant 


India dkdeb British Rule. 

B in the city of Madras can apeak English indifferently 
well. Meanwhile the Eaat India Company had done 
little or Dothing for the education of the masses, nor 
indeed had much been done by the British govern- 
ment for its own people in those illiterate days. 

§2. In 1841, when a British army was still at 
Hi^ii Cabul, the British government established high 
1X11 '!*' schools at Calcutta, Madras, and Bombay. Hindu 
"ind" li'^ys flocked to the new schools, but Mohammedans 
med'ns ''^P'' ^"^o^- '^^^ foUowers of the Prophet would not 
accept an education which rejected the authority of 
Mohammed and the Koran. Meanwhile there was 
an agitation for teaching the Bible in the govern- 
ment schools. Had it succeeded, respectable Hindus 
would probably have followed the example of the 
state ^(; last Jq 1854 a State system of education was 

e'luoation, t 

1851. introduced, beginning with primary schools and 
middle-class schools, and ending in British colleges 
with professors and lecture-rooms. The whole system 
in every presidency, and gradually in every province, 
was placed under the control of a Director of Public 
InstructioQ. Grants in aid were made to schools 
established by missionaries and others, according 
to the educational results of their teaching. A 
University was established at Calcutta, another at 
Madras, and a third at Bombay, for the conduct 
of examinations and the granting of degrees. In a 
woid, secular education was proceeding on a liberal 
scale, and some Hindus, who took high degrees, got 
appointments in the revenue and judicial depart- 
ments, whilst others entered the service of Asiatic 
rulers, and rose to the rank of ministers. 


Constitutional Goveehuent. 279 

Then followed the terrible sepoy mutinies, and chap, thb 
wild cries from the British lelea for teaching — ' 
Christianity and the Bible in every government in- tMchbg. 
atitution. Had British statesmen yielded to the 
demand, the general population would have felt that 
the rebel sepoys were in the right; that they had 
fought, not from childish terror, but for the defence 
of their religion and caste ; that they were martyrs 
to their faith, who had been crushed by the Euro- 
pean red-coats to clear the way for the conversion 
of helpless Hindus and Mohammedans who were 
without arms. 

Fortunately, the Royal Proclamation of 1858 was Toi«r»tioD 
drafted by a statesman who felt that the machinery claimed, 
of government had no more to do with religious 
movements than the machinery of workshops. It 
announced, in clear and unmistakable language, that 
the British government had neither the right nor 
the desire to interfere with the faith of its Asiatic 
subjects, and the question of religious toleration in 
India was settled for ever. 

§ 3. The sepoy mutinies had paralysed the Hostility 
executive government of India, To make matters official 
worse, the non-official Europeans — the merchants, "™p"°^ 
bankers, planters, and lawyers — had been hostile to 
the government of Lord Canning from the very 
beginning of the outbreak. The cause of this col- 
lision is important. It suggested the necessity for 
future reforms. It will be seen hereafter that some- 
thing was done in this direction in 1861-62; but 
something else was undone, and further reforms are 
still needed. 

The legislative assembly of 1854 has already been 


280 India vhdzr Bkitish Rule. 

CHAP. THE described as the earliest germ of representative 
— ' goverameDt in India. This was due to the £act that 
tktioD in addition to the executive members of council, the 
legislative legislative chamber included four representative 
councU. members, each one chosen from the civil service of 
one or other of the four Presidencies; also two judges 
of the old Supreme Court, who were not in the ser- 
vice of the East India Company, but were appointed 
by the British Crown, and were consequently inde- 
pendent legislators. 
Controlled In every other respect, however, the executive 
eiJeutiM. government, including Lord Canning and the members 
of his executive council, exercised supreme control 
over the Indian legislature. They introduced what 
measures they pleased. They excluded what mea- 
sures they disliked. Being mostly Bengal civilians, 
they were accused of ignoring the representative 
members from Madras and Bombay, and Madras 
and Bombay had some ground of complaint. No 
member of the legislative council of India had the 
power to introduce a bill without the consent of 
the Indian executive ; nor even had the power, 
common to every member of the British parliament, 
to aak any question as regards the acts of the 
cIbm At this period there was a nondescript body in 
tfiJi,' England known as the " Indian Law CommissioneiB." 
These gentlemen prepared an act cut and dried, and 
the Court of Directors sent it to India in 1857, and 
recommended that it should be passed into law by 
the legislative council of India. This act began 
with asserting the equality of Asiatics and Euro- 
peans in the eyes of the law ; but laid down a still 
more invidious distinction between non-official and 


Constitutional Government. 281 

official Europeans. It proposed to subject all non- chap- tbb 
official Europeans to the jurisdiction of Asiatic — ' 
magistrates, but to exempt from such jurisdiction 
all Europeans who were members of the Indian 
civil service, or officers of the army or navy. 

The first reading was followed by alarm and Aptation 
indignation. The press thundered, outside orators iinw»L 
raved in public meetings, and European petitions 
against the bill poured in like a rushing stream. 
For a long time not a single member of the 
legislative chamber raised a voice against such 
vicious legislation. The Penal Code had not become 
law, and judges and magistrates, whether European 
or Asiatic, administered the law very much at their 
own discretion, by the light of " equity and good 
conscience," and voluminous regulations. Then, again, 
the time was out of joint for such an innovation. 
Mutiny and revolt were at work in the upper pro- 
vinces, and isolated European planters might soon 
be at the mercy of Asiatic magistrates who sympa- 
thised with the rebels. At last, however. Sir Arthur 
Bnller, one of the ablest judges of the old Supreme 
Court, rose from his seat in the legislative chamber, 
and virtually tore the bUl to shreds. From that day 
it was doomed. Bengali baboos vainly petitioned 
the British government to pass the bill in all its 
integrity. lb perished in the maelstrom of the 
mutiny, and was then formally withdrawn by the 
Court of Directors. 

When the mutiny was over. Lord Canning re- E«cntiTe 
modelled the executive council into the form of a ^e^X 
cabinet. He divided the administration into six 
branches, namely : — foreign, home, legislative, mili- 
tary, financial, and public works. The Viceroy was 


282 India under British Rule. 

CBAP. THB the prime minister, who sat as president of the 
— ' council He took charge of " foreign affairs." The 
other members were miniBtei-s ; each had charge 
of a separate department, and transacted the bulk of 
its business. All important business, however, was 
transacted by the whole cabinet of ministers, which 
held its regular sittings at Government House, as it 
had done in the days when the governor or president 
was only the head of a factory. 

Ministers The post of minister was not, and is not, doubled 
s^n. up with that of secretary, except during the earlier 
""**■ years of the public works department. In the pre- 
sent day there is a minister for every department. 
Every minister transacts the business of his branch 
at his own house ; leaving the secretary and under- 
secretary to control the office of his particular 
department, conduct the correspondence, and carry 
out orders. 

Mr. § 4. In 1860 an English financier, the late Mr. 

Finmra Jamcs Wilson, was sent out from England to put 
i86o!'' the Indian budget to rights. He was a famous man 
in his day ; a noted leader of the anti-corn law 
league, and had a large reputation as a sound 
financier. He freely conferred with Calcutta mer- 
chants and bankers, and so far poured oil on the 
troubled waters ; but in those days the merchants of 
Calcutta were as ignorant of India outside the city 
of palaces as Mr. WUson himself, who was sent out 
to tax the people. 

inconu- Mr. Wilson quoted the laws of Manu in the 
legislative chamber, and proposed an income-tax. 
It was not an ordinary tax on incomes above 400^. 
or 5002. per annum, with which India has since been 


Constitutional Gtovernment. 283 

burdened. It included a tax on Asiatic incomes oh*p. thi 
rising from eight ahillings a week to twenty shillinga. — ■' 
It was as oppressive as the poll-tai which drove 
Wat Tyler and Jack Cade into rebellion. But India 
was prostrate. British red-uoata were masters ; and 
British financiers might do as they pleased. 

Sir Charles Trevelyan was Governor of Madras and j!",'?"',*'' 

-' SirCh«rUa 

knew India well. He protested f^ainst the tax and Trereiydu. 
sent his protest to the newspapers. The Viceroy and 
the Secretary of State were filled wLth wrath at an 
act of insubordination which amounted to an appeal 
to the public opinion of India against the ukase of 
the supreme government. Sir Charles Trevelyan was 
removed from the government of Madras, but within 
two years he was revenged. The obnoxious clause 
had filled 600,000 households with weeping and 
wailing, in order to collect 350,000?., of which 
1 00,000?. was spent on the work of collection. 
Accordingly the clause was repealed,' 

Later on, the two judges who sat in the legislative inde- 
chamber were guilty of a still more flagrant act of jSdgS.' 
insubordination. Whilst 350,000?. was exacted from 
600,000 poor Asiatics in the shape of income-tax, 
the Secretary of State for India overruled a previous 
decision of Lord Dalhousie, and capitalised half a 
milUon sterling, in order to improve the pensions 
of the descendants of Tippu ! The controversy is 
obsolete ; the two judges ventured to question the 
justice of this measure, and the heinous offence 
was punished in due course. 

> Mr. James Wilson died ia 1860. He was succeeded by Mr. 
Samuel Laiug as finaucial miniciter, who in his turn was succeeded 
in 1862 by Sir Chai-lea Trevelyan. 


284 India under Bhitish Kuli. 

CBAP. THB §5. In 1861-62 the legislative council of India 
— ' was reconstituted by act of parliament. The two 
tivo judges were excluded from the legislative chamber, 
iDodeUed, and EuTopeau merchants, and Asiatics of wealth and 
' influence, were nominated in their room. The con- 
trol of the executive was thus stronger than ever, 
but it is doubtful whether the legislature has 
profited by the change. 
Lepsia- Legislative councils, on a similar footing to that 
oonnciu oi India at Calcutta, were granted to the govem- 
*B^^ ments of Madras and Bombay, as well as to the 
■^'*. Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal. They include both 
European and Asiatic members, who are nominated 
by the local government. They legislate on purely 
local measures, such as port dues, hackney carriages, 
canal tolls, and municipalities. They are, however, 
under the immediate control of the executive, and 
have no power to make laws, or to initiate legislation 
in the legislative council of India. 

Kbw High § 6. A still more important measure was carried 
out at this period. A new High Court of Justice was 
created at Calcutta, and also at Madras and Bombay, 
by the amalgamation of the Supreme Court and 
Sudder, which had been separate and rival courts 
ever since the days of Warren Hastings. In other 
words, the barrister judges appointed by the British 
Crown, and the civilian judges appointed by the 
Indian governments, sat together in the new High 
Court. Moreover, as a crowning innovation, an 
Asiatic judge was appointed to each High Court, to 
sit on the same bench as the European judges. 

The amalgamation of the two courts is an epoch 
in British rule in India. The coalition of barrister 


Constitutional Goveelnment. 285 

and civilian judges, and the presence of an Asiatic obap. the 
judge on the same bench, enlarged and strengthened -^'. 
the High Court. It was, however, unfortunate that a wnncii. 
European and an Asiatic judge did not also sit in the 
legislative chambers. Such an addition would have 
converted the chambers into schools of legislation. 
An Asiatic judge, who had graduated in the High 
Court, would have taught something to his Asiatic 
colleagues in the legislative council ; whilst a Euro- 
pean judge would have smoothed away many of the 
asperities which have sprung up of late years be- 
tween the acts of the Indian ezecutive and the 
rulings of the High Court. 

The mixed constitution of the High Courts might Enrop«n 
be extended with advantage to the District Courts. Asutio 
If European and Asiatic judges sit on the same ^^. 
bench, why not European and Asiatic magiatrateB, 
deputy- magistrates, and subordinate judges? Such 
an amalgamation would prove a school for Asiatic 
magistrates and judges ; whilst the evil spirit of race 
antagonism, which was raised by the unfortunate 
bill of 1857, and revived a few short years ago, 
would be allayed for ever. 

§ 7. Lord Canning left India in March, 1862, and Lord 
died in England the following June. His adminis- Imvm^ 
tration had been more eventful than that of any of '"gg^ 
his predeceBsors. At first he hesitated to crush the 
mutinies, and was named " Clemency Canning " ; but 
he never lost bis nerve. After the revolt at Delhi 
he rose to the occasion. Later on, non-official 
Europeans, as well as officials, learned to respect 
" Clemency Canning," and his sudden death was felt 
by all as a loss to the nation as well as to the empire. 


India tsder British Role. 

CHAP. THB § 8. Lord Elgin succeeded Lord Canning, He was 
— ■ a statesman of experience and capacity, but cumbered 
Elgin, with memories of China and Japan. Lord Elgin's 

1882^^ reign did not last two years. He died in November, 

sir John § 9. In those days of imperfect telegraphs, there 
i884-e9.' was an interregnum of two months. Meanwhile, 
Sir William Denison, Governor of Madras, acted as 
provisional Governor-General. With great presence 
of mind, he sanctioned all the measures which he 
had previously sent up from Madras for the con- 
firmation of the government of India. In January, 
1864, Sir John Lawrence landed at C^cutta as 
Viceroy and Governor-General. 
Sir Sir William Denison returned to Madras. He is 

De'ni^" Said to have been hostile to competitive examina- 
■t sudrw. tiong^ and anxious to govern Southern India without 
the help of an executive council. But his ideas of 
government were not in accord with those in power, 
and competitive examinations and civilian members 
of council have remained to this day. 
sirBwtle -A-t this period Sir Bartle Frere was Governor of 
Bo"b«y' Bombay. He was an Anglo-Indian statesman of the 
first order, with capacity and experience combined 
with diplomatic tact. He had done good service as 
commissioner of Sind. Since then he had graduated 
in the Indian executive as Home member of Lord 
Canning's cabinet. But, like many Indian civilians, 
he was too self-reliant, and fell upon evil times when 
Indian experiences could not help him. 
Ameriewi Sir Bartle Frere was transferred from the cabinet 
cotton at Calcutta to the government of Bombay at the 
funine. uKj^icnt whcD War was raging between the North 


Constitutional Government. 287 

and the South in the United States of America. A ohap. thk 
cotton famine was starving Manchester, and Indian — " 
cotton rose from threepence 9. pound to twenty 
pence. Bombay cultivators loaded their women with 
jewels, and shod their cattle with silver shoes. The 
spirit of speculation was rampant. Europeans and 
Asiatics, shrewd Scotchmen and cautious Parsis, 
rushed blindly into the wildest gambling. Mush- 
room companies sprung up in a single night like 
the prophet's gourd, and flourished like the South 
Sea Bubble. Clerks and brokers woke up to find 
themselves millionaires, and straightway plunged 
into still madder speculations, dreaming, like Alnas- 
char, of estates as lat^e as counties, of peerless 
brides, and of seats in the House of Lords. 

Suddenly the American war collapsed, and cargoes Crwh and 
of cotton were hurried firom the States across the 
Atlantic. Prices fell to zero. There was joy at 
Manchester, but weeping and wailing at Bombay. 
The Bombay Bank had been drawn into the vortex 
of speculation, and loans had been advanced on 
worthless shares. How far Sir Bartle Frere was 
implicated is a disputed point ; but the bank stopped 
payment, and Sir Bartle Frere lost his chance of 
becoming Viceroy of India. 

The Viceroyalty of Sir John Lawrence was alto- Civiiun 
gether exceptional.^ Most Viceroys are noble peers, ri*no« of 
who land in India with parliamentary and diplomatic Lai"^^ 
experiences, bnt with no special knowledge of Asiatic 
affairs, beyond what has been "crammed up" at the 
India Office during the interval between acceptance 
of office and embarkation for Calcutta. In 1864 

■ Daring the Vioeroyalty he was plaiD Sir John Lawrence, bnt 
w^hen it wm over he was raised to the peerage. 


» 288 Ikbia undee British Rulb. 

OTAP. THi Lord Lawrence knew more about India than any 
— ' previous Governor-General, Warren Hastings not 
excepted. He, and his foreign and home secretaries, 
the late Sir Henry Durand and the late Sir Edward 
Clive Bayley, were, perhaps, better versed in Indian 
history than any other men of the time. Lord 
Lawrence had gone through the ordeal of the mutiny 
with the salvation of the Empire in his hands. 
Since then he had sat on the council of the Secretary 
of State at Westminster, and learnt something of 
public opinion, in the British Isles on Indian affairs. 
Yearly mi- Lord LawreBcc hated Bengal, and could not 
^^k.*° endure her depressing heats and vapour- baths.' He 
was the first Governor- General who went every year 
to Simla, and he was the first who took all his 
cabinet ministers and secretaries with him. Old 
Anglo-Indians disliked these migrations, and likened 
them to the progresses of the Great Mogul with a 
train of lords and ladies, in tented palaces, escorted 
by hosts of soldiers and camp-followers, from Agra 
to Lahore, or from Delhi to Cashmere. But the 
migrations of the British government of India re- 
quired no army of escort, and entailed no expense 
or suffering on the masses. Railways shortened the 
journeys ; telegraphs prevented delays ; and civihan 
members of government, whose experiences had pre- 
viously been cribbed and cabined in Bengal, began 
to learn something of the upper provinces. 

Lord Lawrence, like his immediate predecessors, 
took the Foreign Office under his special and 

' Calcutta is by do means ao unpleasaot residence for Enro- 
peane with tolerably sound constitutions. Sir Jolm I^wrence 
was only in his fifty-fifth year, but he waa sadly worn by hard 
work and unexampled anxieties. 


Constitutional Government. 289 ■ 

immediate charge. At that time Colonel, afterwards chap, the 
Maj or-General Sir Henry Durand, was foreign — ' 
secretary to the government' of India. Both Lawrence 
Lawrence and Durand were firm to the verge of Henry 
obstinacy, but Sir John was sometimes hasty and i*"rau<l. 
impetuous, whilst Colonel Duraud was solid and 

The main business of the Foreign Office is that Foreign 
of supervision. It directs all negotiations with poSic«L 
the Asiatic states beyond the frontier, such as 
Afghanistan, Cashmere, and Nipal. It controls all 
political relations with the feudatory states of Raj- 
putana and Central India, which are carried on by 
British officers known as political agents and assist- 
ants. In like manner it controls the political 
relations with other courts, which are carried ou by 
"Residents." It also overlooks the administration 
in newly-acquired territories, which, like the Punjab, 
are known as " non-regulation " provinces.^ 

' British territory in India comprisea 900,000 square milea, 
with a popalation of 200,000,000. Asiatic territory comprises 
nearly 600,000 square miles, with a population of 53,000,000. 

NoBTUBKN India is fringed on the west by Afghanistan, on 
the north by Cashmere, Nipal, and Bhotan ; on the east by 
Munipore and Burma. 

Ckntiul India is traversed from west to east by a belt or zone 
of states and chiefsbips — Bajput, Mahratta, snd Mohammedan 
— which extends from the western coast of Gujertit facing the 
Indian Ocean, and the western desert of Bind facing Bajputana, 
through the heart of the Indian continent eastward to the 
Bengal Presidency. This belt includes, amongst a host of minor 
principalities and chiefsbips, the three leading Rajput states — 
Jeypore, Jodhpore, and Oodeypore ; the Jhat state of Bhurtpore ; 
the Mahratta territories of the tiaekwar of Baroda in Wentern 
India, and those of Sciadia and Holkar in Central India ; and 
the Hindu states of Bundelkiind, including Bewah, along the 
eastern hills and jungles to the south of the rirer Jumna. 

The Dkctax includes the Mohammedan dominions of the 

' DiB.1izedOyGoO<^lc 

290 India under BRinaa Rule. 

CHAP, THB The main question of the day was Afghanistan 

— ■ affairs. Dost Mohammed Khan died in 1863, after 

un'^idMtha chequered life of war and intrigue, a labyrinth 

Woh^- which no one can unravel. He had driven his enemy 

Kh^u Shah Shuja out of Cabal ; he had been robbed of 

the coveted valley of Peshawar by Runjeet Singh; 

he had coquetted with Persia, Russia, and the British 

government. He had abandoned his dominions on 

the advance of the British army in 1839-40; fled 

to Bokhara ; then sxirrendered to Macnaghten ; was 

sent to Calcutta as a state prisoner; played at 

chess with the ladies at Government House ; aod 

HiMm of Hyderabad, to the eastward of the Bomb«y 

SouTHERH India includes the Hindu states of Mysore and 
Travaucore to the westward of the Madras Presidency. 

The term "foreign" aa applied to the Indian Foreign Office 
is a misnomer, and has led to confusion. The term "political 
department " would be more correct, as it deals mainly with 
.Asiatic feudatory states which are bound up with the body 
politic of the Anglo-Indian empire. The relations betireei) the 
British goremment and its Asiatic feudatories are not " inter- 
national " in the European sense of the word, and are not 
controlled by international law. They are " political " in the 
imperial sense of the word, and are governed by the treaties, and 
regulated by the liovereign authority which is exercised by the 
British government as the paramount power in India. A British 
officer is placed in charge of every state, or group of statei^, and 
ie known as " political agent " or "Resident." 

Lord Macaulay, versed in European history, but with no 
special knowledge of Asia, condemns the word " political,'' 
which had been used ever since the department was founded by 
Warren Hastings. He declared that Asiatic feudatories were 
" foreign states," and that the relations between those feudatories 
and the paramount power were diplomatic. Lord Macaulay in 
his time was as great a literary authority as Dr. Samuel Johoson. 
Lord Ellenborough took the hint when bewasOoTemor-General, 
and changed the Political Department into the Foreign Office. 
It would be better to call it " Political and Foreign." 


Constitutional GtOvbbnment. 291 

finally returned to Cabul. He seized the valley of chap, the 
Peshawar during the second Sikh war. Finally he — ' 
had become friends with the British government, 
and made no attempt to take advantage of the 
sepoy mutinies to recover Peshawar. 

But old Doat Mohammed had a patriarchal weak- J«oob 
ness for youthful wives. He had been beguiled by a ew^ 
blooming favourite into nominating her son as his suc- 
cessor, to the exclusion of the first-born. It was nearly 
a case of Jacob versus Esau, and when the old man 
was gathered to his fathers, the younger son and the 
first-born, with their respective partisans, tried to 
settle the succession by force of arms. The British 
government did not interfere, but left the brothers 
to fight on, until the elder was carried ofi' by death, 
and the younger, the late Shere Ali Khan, gained 
the throne. 

Mysore was another vexed question. Lord Mjwro. 
Wellesley had acquired Mysore by the conquest of 
Tippu in 1799. He incorporated some provinces 
into the Madras Presidency, but formed the re- 
maining territory into a little Hindu state, and 
placed a Hindu boy, a kinsman of the Raja who 
had been supplanted by Hyder, on the throne of 
Mysore. The boy grew to be a man, and turned 
out a worthless, extravagant, and oppressive ruler, 
deaf to all remonstrances and warnings. His sub- 
jects rebelled against his tyranny and exactions. 
Even Lord William Bentinck, a sentimental ad- 
mirer of Asiatic principalities, was disgusted with 
his conduct and deposed him, and placed Mysore 
tenitory in charge of a British commissioner, and 
brought it under British rule. 

Thirty years passed away. There was an outcry 
u 2 


292 India under British Rple. 

CHAP. THE in the British lalea against annexation. It was 
— ' proposed to restore the ex-Raja to hU throne, but 
tion" Mysore had become to all intents and purposes a 
rJJJe." IJritisli province. In the teeth of these facts, it 
was determined to restore this flourishing territory 
to the rule of the worthless Hindu who had 
been deposed by Lord William Bentinck a gene- 
ration previously. Sir John Lawrence fought 
against tlie measure, but was overruled. At last 
there was a compromise. It was decided to place 
an adopted son of the ex-Raja on the throne, 
and to remove the British administration from 
Mysore, and place an Asiatic administration in its 
room. The ex-Raja was extremely annoyed at this 
arrangement. It put an end to all his aspirations. 
He did not want an adopted son, and would will- 
ingly have left his territories to the British govern- 
ment, had he been only allowed to. handle the 
revenues during his own lifetime. 

Opposition Sir John Lawrence, like every practical adminis- 
Durand. trator iu India, was most unwilling to replace Mysore 
under Asiatic rule. He submitted uuder pressure, 
but not without misgivings. Colonel Durand, how- 
ever, opposed it tooth and nail. Had he been a 
Roman general, ordered to restore the island of 
Albion to an adopted son of Boadicea, or had he 
been an English lord of the marches ordered to re- 
store the principality of Wales to a son of Llewellyn, 
he could not have felt more indignation. Durand 
was, of course, powerless to resist, and the restora- 
tion was carried out. The future alone can decide 
the merits of the'question. 
Oudb Next arose a controversy about the Oudh talukdars. 
uiukdws. j^^j^ Canning had dealt liberally with the talukdars, 



restored mo8t of their so-called estates, .and con- oh*p- '™« 
verted them into landed proprietors. Sir John — * 
Lawrence discovered that the rights of joint village 
proprietors had been overlooked. Again there was 
a paper war, which ended in another compromise. 
The talukdars were eventually confirmed in the pos- 
Bcssion of their estates, but the rights of under 
proprietors and occupiers were defined and respected. 

Meanwhile Colonel Durand was transferred from The 
the Foreign Office to the executive council, with °\^^ 
charge of the military department. As a member of ''**^'"''- 
the council he had a seat in the legislative chamber, 
and on one occasion he voted against the other 
ministers. This raised a question as to the right of a 
member of the cabinet to vote against the majority 
of his colleagues in the legislative chamber. It was 
argued on one side that in England a cabinet minister 
must vote with his coUe^ues in parliament; in 
other words, he must either sacrifice his conscience 
for the sake of party or resign his post in the 
executive. On the other side it was urged that 
an Indian cabinet had nothing whatever to do with 
party, and that any cabinet minister might vote in 
the legislative chamber as he deemed best for the 
public service, without thereby losing his position as 
member of the executive council. 

Viceroy in 1869. With the exception of an expedi- 
tion into Bhotan, a barbarous state in the Himalayas 
next door to Nipal, there was peace in India 
throughout the whole of his five years' administra- 
tion. He returned to England and was raised to 
the peerage. He had strong attachments, but the 


294 India undbr British Rule. 

CHAP. THE outer world only knew him aa a strong, stern man, 
^^' with a gnarled countenance and an iron will. He 
lived for ten years longer in hia native country, 
doing good work aa the chairman of the London 
School Board, and taking an active part in every 
movement that would contribute to the welfare of 
his generation, until, in 1879, the saviour of British 
India found a final resting-place in Westminster 

i«rd § 11- Lord Mayo succeeded as Viceroy and Gover- 
vicaroy, nor-Gcneral. To him is due the greatest reform in 
the constitutional government of India since the 
mutiny. He delivered the local governments from 
the financial fetters of the Viceroy in Council, and 
left them more responsibility as regards providing 
local funds for local wants, and devoting local savings 
to local expenditure. Hitherto every presidency and 
province got as much as it could out of the imperial 
treasury, and spent as much as it could during the 
current financial year, for any balance that remained 
was lost for ever by being credited to imperial funds. 
Henceforth every presidency and province was in- 
terested in improving its income and cutting down 
its expenditure, since it was entrusted with some 
discretion as regards the disposal of the surplus 
Trapc The assassination of Lord Mayo in 1872 by an 
Afghan desperado in the Andaman Islands, brought 
the career of a great and energetic Viceroy to a sad 
and sudden close. By force of character, noble 
address, and genial open-heartedneas, Lord Mayo had 
charmed' every Asiatic feudatory that came to do 
homage ; and even brought Shere Ali Khan, the sour 


Constitutional Government. 295 

and suspicious ruler of Afghanistan, to put some chap, mb 
trust in the good faith and good intentions of the — ' 
British government. His death was a loss to every 
European and Asiatic in India, and a loss to the 
British empire. 

§ 12. The later administrations of Lord Northbrook Lord 
in 1872-76, of Lord Lytton in 1876-80, of Lord K," 
Ripon in 1880-1884, and the advent of Lord Dufferin, ^"^"• 
the present Viceroy, are too recent for personal 
criticism. They have been characterised, however, by 
events and changes which have left their mark on 
British rule in India. 

The personal influence of Her Majesty, and theKoy>ityin 
presence of princes of the royal blood, have im- 
parted a new prestige to British sovereignty. ITie 
visit of the Duke of Edinburgh during the rigime of 
Lord Mayo, and the extended tour of the Prince of 
Wales during the rigiine of Lord Northbrook, were 
welcomed in India with every demonstration of joy 
and loyalty. The old East India Company was a 
magnificent corporation, but had always been a 
mystery to Asiatics. The presence of British princes, 
the sons of Her Majesty, solved the problem for 

§ 13. Finally the Imperial assemblage at Delhi on Lord 
the Ist of January, 1877, when Her Majesty was v^y, 
proclaimed Empress of India by Lord Lytton, in the i|Sd<TO^ 
presence of all the members of the Indian govern- %^"^'''* 
ments, all the high officials of the empire, and of all 
the Asiatic feudatory rulers and their ministers, gave 
a reality to British sovereignty in India which had 
previously been wanting. When Queen Elizabeth 


296 India under British Rule. 

CHAP. THB gave a charter to the East India Company, at the 
— ■ beginning of the seventeenth century, when Queen 
Anne received a present of "tay" from the Court of 
Directors, and even when George III. and Queen 
Charlotte graciously accepted an ivory bedstead from 
the polite Warren Hastings, not a soul in the 
British Isles could possibly have dreamed that the 
nineteenth century would see the Queen of Great 
Britain and Ireland reigning as Empress over the 
dominions of the Great Mogul. Neither could the 
Asiatic populations of that dim commercial period, 
who beheld the European gentlemen writing letters 
and keeping accounts in factories and fortresses, 
have imagined that a day would come when the 
descendants of the "European gentlemen" would be 
the rulers of India. 

Second § 14. Under Lord Lytton's rSgime there was a 
^BT*" second war in Afghanistan. Shere Ali Khan had 
become estranged from the British government. He 
imprisoned his eldest son, Yakub Khan, and refused 
British mediation. He was offended because the 
British government would not conclude an offensive 
and defensive alliance on equal terms. He received 
a mission from Russia at Cabul, and refused to 
receive a mission from the British government. 
British Accordingly, it was resolved to establish British 
*"*^ supremacy in Afghanistan ; to advance the British 
frontier to the Hindu Kush ; to convert the 
mountain range into a natural fortress, with Afghan- 
Turkistan for its berme ^nd the river Oxus for its 
ditch. Russia already held the glacis, as represented 
by Usbeg-Turkistan. 

Shere Ali Khan fled away northward as the British 


Constitutional Goveenment. 297 

army advanced, and died in exile. Yakub Khan ohap. thm 
succeeded to the throne, and submitted to the de- — ' 
manda of the British Resident. Then followed the »nd 
cruel and cowardly ma3sacre of Sir Louis Cavagnari, ^"^o^' 
the British Resident at Cabul, with all his officers 
and attendants ; the abdication of Yakub Khan ; and 
finally the accession of Abdul Rahman Khan, the 
present Amir, who was son of the first bom of Dost 
Mohammed who was ousted in favour of Shere Ali. 

During the generation that followed the mutinies, Begoktion 
the administration of British India has been under- ngoiatiou 
going an important change. The old patriarchal rule p™'™""- 
of non-regulation provinces has been fading away. 
The distinction between regulation and non-regulation 
is being effaced. The Punjab and Oudh, the Central 
Provinces and British Burma, which for years had 
been exclusively controlled by the Foreign Office, are 
being brought more and more under the Home Office ; 
and the same laws and forms of administration will 
soon prevail throughout every presidency and pro- 
vince of the Anglo-Indian empire. 

§ 15. British India is a school for Asiatics in which AmaHc 
Europeans are the masters. The teaching has hitherto Earopenn 
been successful. Asiatic students are becoming moni- ">"*"i^ 
tors ; some are under-masters ; and some may in due 
course hope to be masters. The British government 
is appointing educated Asiatics to posts of responsi- 
bility and trust, which few European merchants and 
bankers have hitherto ventured to do. Accordingly, 
non-officials, as well as officials, . are awaiting the 
results of an experiment that will serve to show 
how far the Asiatic has profited by his European 
education ; and how far he may be entrusted with 


298 India under British Rule. 

CHAP, THB the higher duties of administration, or with the 
— ■ exercise of self-government and political power. 
Hindu Hindus have many virtues. They are obedient to 
parents, polite to equals, respectful to superiors, and 
reverential towards priests and preceptoi-s. But for 
ages they have lived under the despotism of caste, 
custom, and religion, which is slowly melting away 
from European capitals of India, but is still rampant 
in Asiatic towns and villages. British education 
is elevating their intellects and enlarging their ex- 
periences, but cannot change their nature, nor hastily 
emancipate them from the usages of ages. The result 
is that to thi.s day, both Hindus and Mohammedans 
lack those political ideas of constitutional govern- 
ment and pu))lie life, in which Englishmen have been 
trained since the days of Queen Elizabeth. 
Child Hindus are married in their childhood, and are 
often husbaijds and fathers when British boys are 
still at school, or learning trades and professions, or 
competing at boating or cricket. All this while, and 
for years after they have attained manhood, the bulk 
of Hindus are living under the roof of their parents. 
Husbands are ruled by fathers as though they were 
still children, and wives arc the victims of their 
Tempor Occasionally Hindus will exhibit a petulance aod 

repreBsion, passlou like that which drove the sepoys into mutiny; 
but as a general rule, they are kept within bounds 
by the despotism and discipline which reigns supreme 
in Hindu families, as well as by the severe self- 
control, which Asiatics esteem as one of the highest 
virtues. Moreover, during a long course of ages, they 
have become more or less enervated by that depress- 
ing heat, which often shakes the nerve and looBeDS 


Constitutional Goveenment. 299 

the muscle of Europeans. Consequently, they have chap, thb 
little relish for active life, and generally prefer — 
sedentary duties which do not involve physical 

Hindu village communities may have had some village 
public life in the pre-British period. They governed ties, 
themselves, and administered justice amongst them- 
selves, but they in their turn were governed by caste, 
custom, and superstition. Sometimes they defended 
themselves against brigands or tigers, and they 
environed their domiciles with mud walls, wooden 
palisades, or hedges of prickly pear. If however 
there were any rumours of an enemy appearing in 
force, they all fled to the jungle until the danger was 
over. In Bengal, the villagers were helpless to resist 
dacoits, who occasionally committed the most horrible 
crimes ; but since the organisation of police under 
European superintendence, such atrocities have 
disappeared from British India. 

Where the village community was strong, the Despotic 
little commonwealth was a despotism. The joint ^^^uC. 
proprietary was an oligarchy, and tenants and culti- 
vators were serfs or slaves. The officials and artisans 
were hereditary, and hereditary officials are almost 
invariably inefficient and untrustworthy. Village 
justice may have been administered by the elders, 
but generally at the dictation of some domineering 
Brahman or Guru. 

Indian civilians of the old school, like Thomas old 
Monro and Mountstuart Elphinstone, were much , 
inchned towards Hindu institutions. In those an- 
cient times the whole village would turn out to 
welcome the arrival of a new British collector and 
magistrate. The Asiatic officials appeared with 


300 India under British Rdle. 

CHA?. THB music, flags, and garlands, whilst the village dancing 
— girl performed before the " great man," and snog 
his praises. The "great man" in his turn was 
charmed with these manifestations of respect for 
British rule ; but a later generation was aghast at 
the enormity, and the demonstration waa stopped 
by the Court of Directors. 
F«iiorB. In the Madraa Presidency Munro turned the head- 
men of villages iuto munsifs, and empowered them 
to settle all civil disputes up to the value of twenty 
shillings. The vilkge munsifs might also summon 
a punchayet, or council of arbitrators, to settle dis- 
putes above that amount. In the Bombay Presidency, 
Mountstuart Elphinstone made similar attempts to 
utilise the Mahratta collectors and sub-collectors. 
But in both cases the experiment failed through 
hereditary incapacity or corruption. 
Trkioed The creation of new classes of Asiatic officials has 
Dincula. been more successful. Munsifs, tridned and educated, 
are deciding civil cases in the districts, and hare 
proved efficient and trustworthy. Deputy-collectors 
and magistrates, as well as subordinate judges, have 
also been found to do their work well. Pay and 
position have been improved, and the number has 
been increased ; and possibly more might be done in 
this direction. But this question can be best worked 
out with that of placing European and Asiatic 
magistrates on the same bench. 

Viceroy of §16. The Viceroy is sovereign over the whole of 

(Jn^ India. He is no longer drawn away from the care? 

of supreme control by the separate and direct 

government of Bengal and the North - "West 

Provinces. Each of these presidencies has now 


Constitutional Government. 301 

a lieutenant-governor of its own. The Viceroy is chap, the 
thus the presiding deity of the whole of India. — ' 
During the cold weather months he reigns at 
Calcutta on the banks of the Hughly, where he 
is president alike of an executive council and a 
legislative council. During the hot weather months, 
he is enthroned at Simla like another Indra, on the 
dopes of the Himalaya mountains, attended by his 
cabinet or executive council. He exercises sovereign 
authority over every presidency and every province ; 
and every Asiatic ruler in India, Hindu or- Moham- 
medan, Rajput or Mahratta, acknowledges the supre- 
macy of the Viceroy and Governor-General as the 
representative of the Queen and Empress. 

But ludra himself is subject to some mysterious Seontu/ 
power, who is omnipotent and invisible. In like "council' 
manner the Viceroy of. India in Council is subject to 
a deus ex machind, in the shape of the Secretary of 
State for India in Council. The Secretary of State, 
or one of his under-secretaries, is sometimes asked 
questions in Parliament ; but the Secretary of Stato 
for the time being generally manages to have his own 
way, or treads cautiously in the footsteps of his 
predecessors, or relies on the wisdom of the reigning 

The executive council of the Secretary of State, str>iiigth- 
aa well as that of the Viceroy, are essential parts i4'i3«iTB 
of the constitutional government of India. But '"'""'^ 
the legislative council of India lacks strength and 
independence. It was a mistake to shut out the 
two judges from the chamber. One European and 
one Asiatic judge would be as useful in the council 
as on the bench. Again, in these days of rail- 
ways and steamers, there seems no reason why 


302 India under British Rule. 

CHAP. THE govemora of presidencies, and lieutenant-govemora 
— ' and chief commissioners of provinces, should not 
oceaaionally sit in the legislative council of India 
to exchange views and give the weight of their 
personal support to their respective representa- 
tive members. The sittings are gener^y held in 
the cold season, when the British Parliament is 
not sitting. The occasional presence of high Indian 
officials and British members of Parliament would 
improve the debates, educate public opinion, and 
convert the chamber into a high school for Asiatic 
British Meanwhile the idea of a school should be borne in 

in AsUtic mind in every branch of the administration, civil and 
stales, jm^iigijj^ and especiaUy in the foreign or political 
department. A British officer at an Asiatic court is 
often the one solitary representative of civilisation 
and progress ; and this feeble light ought to be fed, 
strengthened, and kept constantly burning like the 
fire of the Vestal virgins. By that light, Asiatic 
rulers may hope in time to rise to the level of 
Europeans ; without it, they may sink back into 
the barbarism of the past century, when the Mogul 
empire had lost its hold, and was tottering to 
its fall. 



Aduftioh, qnesti 

aspect. 177 
AfehuiiBtaD, Elphmntaae's miasioD, 
103 ; Eusaiaa advancea, H3 ; fitat 
Afeiau w&r, 146 ; iusurrectiaD at 
Cabul, 149 ; British losuii in tlie 
Khjber Pass, 160 ; end of war, 152 ; 
Tulnerable frontier, IBS; death of 
Dost Holiaiiiined Rbui, 290 ; fratri- 
cidal war, 291 ; Shere Ali Khan, il. ; 
second Afghan war under Lord 
Lytton, aeS 

Agnew, Mr. Yana, murdered at Multau, 

Agra, captured by General Lake, 9S ; 
presidency fonn«d, 128 ; water way, 
171 ; isolation dtiring the sepoy 
mutinies, 21fi, 281 

Ajmere, acquired by the British, 120 

Alalia, Sikh faniLtics, 16fl, 1G7 

Akbnr Khan, son of Dost Mohammed, 
heads lerolt at Cabnl, 149 ; murders 
Sir William Macnaghten, IGO 

Alara, Shah, Padishah, seeks British 
protection, 96 

Alexander the Great, defeat of Poma, 
163 ; his invasion of India, 22G 

Alighur,fortressof,capturodbyLake, B4 

AKwal, battle of, 1S9 

Allahabad, at the junction of the Jnmna 
and Ganges, 171 ; position cluringtho 
sepoj- revolt, 216, 217, 220, 288; 
mutiny and massacre, 241 ; fortress 
besieged, ti. [relieved by General 
Neill, 242 

Amherst, Lord, Govoraor-Qeneral, 120 ; 
first Burmese war, 121 ; Bhurtpore 
war, 122 

Amir Khan, an Afghan Pindhari, 105 ; 
foundsprincipalityofTonk, 112, 113 ; 
surrenders to the British, 115 

Amritaar, city of, 155 

Andaman Islands, 294 

Anderson, Lieut., murdered at Hnltan, 

Anson, General, at Simla, 216 ; move, 
nients at the revolt of Delhi, 216- 
271 ; his death, ib. 

Appa Sahib, defeated by the Brituh, 
117 ; flight from Nagpore, ib. ; suc- 
17S ; present ccedud by his gtuudsan, ti. 

Arakan, suneicd by the British go- 

tut, i: 

, 161 

Arcot, captured byCHve, 34 ; suppreaaes 
mutiny nt Vellore, 100 

Arrah, besieged by rebels, 266 ; relieved 
by Major Eyre, 267 

Asia, Central and Northern, the cradle 
of India, 142 ; rise of Nadir Shah, 
143 ; rise of British power in, 14G 

Asiatics of India, better phrase than 
"native," 186; charocteristiB craft, 
240 ; ofGcials, 300 

Asiatic mlers, acknowledge British 
supremacy, 301 ; British political 
officers in India, 802 

Assam, overrun by Burmese, 121; ac- 
quired by Ihe British, 122; tea 
cultivation, 123 

Aasaye, battle of, 94 

Attock, fortiess of, captured by Dost 
Mohammed Khan, 163 

Anchland, Lord, Governor-General of 
India, 141 ; declares war against 
Dost Mohammed Khan, 145 ; sends 
expedition against (Jnbul, 146 

Aurangzeb, the Great Mogul, 21 ; stops 
supply of saltpetre to the British at 
the bidding of Turkey, 25 ; hia death, 
91 : petnecutes the Sikhs, 165 ; de- 
tested by the Siklis, 222 

Ava, ICC Burma 

Baird, Sir David, commands storming 
party at Seringapatam, 86 

Bala Hiasar, fortress of, 148 

Barlon-, .Sir George, provisional Go- 
vernor-General, 98 ; politicaJ half 
measures, 99 ; sarn-iEces revenue in 
Bundelkimd, 101 ; annuls protective 
treaties, 104 

Barnard, Sir Hecrj-, coinniander-in. 
chiefiii lS57,advancP3against Delhi, 
218 ; his death, 230 

Baroda, Gaekwar of, 112 


' the 


Latkar aad Bruhmui, 164 ; sspoj 
agitation, 196; iDcendiarism, 197; 
oatbreak of Hunj^l Fandy, 201 ; 
diabandmeat of 19tH Native lofaatr;, 
202 ; of the 34th Native lufantiy, 

Banrell, Hr., member of the Council 
of Wwreo MaBUngs, S6 

Baiiuin, eflbrta of the Britiah at Bombay 
to acquire from the Hahrattaa, 72 ; 
treaty of 1802 concluded with the 
Peishwa, 92, 119 noI< 

Bayiey, Sir Edward Clive, Home 
Secretary to Sir John Lawrence, hii 
kuowle<^e of Indian history, 288 

Behar, a province of Bengal 42 — 41, 
127, 12S ; mutiniea at Patna, Dina- 
pore, and Arr&h, 26S 

Benares, ceded to the British, 73 ; 
turbulent population, SS5 ; triumph 
of Mi. QubbJna, 230 ; mutiny of 
sepoys, 237 

Bengal, early English trade, 25 : British 
Rnpervisais, 65 ; terrible famine, ib. ; 
BntUh adminiatration, 58 ; lemin- 
dari system of land rsTenae. ii. ; no 
village communities, 128 ; people, 

B«n^ army, «« Sepoya 

Bentincfc, Lord William, reoaEeJ from 
Madras, 101 ; GoTernarrGencral, 123 ; 
wise and just administration, ib. ; 
civil and judical reforma, 128; ap- 
points Asiatic officials, 127 ; settles 
land revenue in the North- West 
Provinces, 131, 167 ; popularity, 140 ; 
appoints Asiatic deputy ooUectuni, 

Berhampore, sepoys at, 162 ; mutiny 
against greased cartridges, 198 

Berar, British relatjans with, 72 ; vacil- 
lations of the llnja, 65 ; lee Nagpore 

Bhotan, beyond NuTthem India, expe- 
dition to, 293 

Bhurtpore, Jhat I^ja of, pavs a heavy 
fine to the British, 98 ; deatractiou 
of the fortress, 122 

Bithoor, palace of Nana Sahib, 244 ; 
destroyed by Havelock, 269 

Bombay, old fortress and town, 24 ; 
interference in Hahratta alTain, 73 ; 
bravery of sepoya, 118; acquinsa the 
territories of the Peishwa, 134 ; 
stagDutbn, 189 ; want of roads, 172 ; 
state edacation, 27B; cotton specD- 
lations, 237 ; failure of Bank, tb. 

Brohmans, hereditary school masters, 
as trologen, and priests, 129 ; snrvival 
of, 181 ; position in the Bengal army, 
188, 191 

Britain, Great, au Asiatic power, 140, 
180, S7S 

Buller, Sir Arthur, his opposition in 
Ie)!is1ative coancil, 281 

Bundelkund, lawless condition of, 101 ; 
chiefs of, defy the British, it. ; peace 
restored, 102 ; condition, 255, 289 

Burma, aggressive demands of the 
otEcisIs, 120 ; invade British terri- 
tory, 121; end Of first war, 122; 
second war, 163 

Bumes, Sir Alexander, st Cabul, 148 ; 
environed by Afghan mob, 149; 
murdered, ii. 

Buur, batUe of, G2 

Cabul, SM A'ghanistan 

Cachar, nnder British rule, 122 ; tea 
cultivation, 123 

Calcutta, fouuded, 28 ; captured by 
the Nawab of Bengal, 35 ; Black 
Hole tragedy, 88 ; recaptured, 42 ; 
auction aales of lands, 60 ; British 
garrison of, 186, 192 

Campbell, Sir Archibald, at Bangoon, 

Campbell, Sir Colin, commander-iu- 
chief, Bengal army, 271 ; seta out for 
Lucknow, ib. ; reaches Reaidency, 
a. ; brings away beueged, ib. 

Canaru. landboldeis and land revenne 
of, 133 

Canning. Lord, Govemct-Oenoral, 181; 
war with Persia, ib. ; settlement with 
the Di^lhi family, 182 ; uneasy aboat 
Oudh, a. ; alarm of the aepoys at 
Barrackpore, 162; mutiny at Ber- 
hampore, 200 ; outbreak at Banack- 
pore, 201 ; disaffection in Oudh, 
202 ; disbandments at Barrackpoie, 
202, 205 ; mutiny at Meemt, 206, 
208 ; orders Genatal Anson to Delhi, 
217 ; refuses to alundon Peshawar, 
229 ; ojfends non-ofScial Butopeans 
at Calcutta, 279 ; turns the executive 
coancil of India into a cabinet, 281 ; 
di^parture and death, 285 

Ciimatic in Southern India, conquered 
byAurangieb. 22 ; war between Gt«at 
Rritoin and France, S2 ; interference 
of the Nawab, ib, ; rival Nawabe, 
33 ; invasions of Myder, 74 ; acquired 
by Lord Wsllesl^ and incorporated 
with the Madras Presidency, 87, 83 

Cashmi^re, conquered by Runjeet Singh, 
103 ; sold by Lord Hardiuge to GoTab 
Singh, 160 : relations with the Brit- 
ish ^vemment, 389 

Caste iQ Bengal army, 191 ; its dis- 
advantages, ib. 

Cavagnari, Sir Louis, 
Cabul, 297 


CawnpoTe on tbe Ganges, Brituh canton- 
ment in Lord Lake's time, SI ; poai- 
, 171, 176 i outbreak of the aepoy 
Lnie«, 233 ; story of Cawnpore, 
£13 ; peril of Qeneral Wheeler, £44 ; 
palace of Nana Sahib at Bithoor, 
246 ; luapeuse, 248 ; mutiny, 251 ; 
treachery of NacaSaliib, 252 ; revolt- 
ing crueltiea, ii, ; masaacre, 254 ; ad- 
vance of Havelock, 2S6 ; story ofthe 
"weU," 258; defeat of Wjndhanj, 
272 ; victory of Sir Colin Campbell, 
Central India, feudatoi? Asiatic atateg 

Central Provinces, under Home Office, 

Chamberlain, Nevillp, his flying 
colcmn in the Punjab, 224 ; eervicea 
at theai(«o of Delhi, 227, 230 

Chomock, Job, imprisoned and scourged 

a' the Nawah of Bengal, 25 ; ilies to 
adras, 27 ; founds Calcutta, 28 

ChartetB, aee East India Company 

Child, Sir Joseph, frames a municipal 
corporation lor Madraa, 16 ; makes 
war on the Great Mogul, 29 ; plana 
the protection of British trade in 
India hy three great fortresses, 26 ; 
hia hamiliation, 27 

CfaiBianwalla, battle of, 1S3, 1S4 

China, East India Company's trade 
with, 18S 

Chont, paid by the Mogul to the Mah- 
rattaa, 28 ; plunder of Bengal and 

- the Camatic for uou-pavment, S9 ; 
Mahratta demands on the Nii:affl, 
82 ; demanded by Ilolkar, 9S 

Clavering, General, apnointod member 
of council, 86 ; inBolence to Warren 
Haatiugs and EU^ah Impey, S7, 68 

Cleveland, Aaguatua, humanises the 
Sonthals, 78 

Clive, Eobert, eaves Britisb interests iq 
India by the captnrB of Arcot, 84 ; ei- 

Edition to Calcutta after the Black 
ole disaster, 40 ; victory at Plassy, 
42 ; inatals a new ITawab, 48 ; relievea 
tbeHognlPrince Imperial, 49 ; refuses 
the post of Uenan to the Great Mogul, 
ib. ; ofTeiB it to William Pitt, 46 ; 
Governor of British settlements in 
Bengal, 53 ; accepts the Dewani, 54 ; 
returns to England, G6 ; inferior au- 
thority to that of Warren Hastings, 

Code, Penal, 281 

Colvin, Mr. John, bedeged in fbrtteaa 
of Agra, 230, 231fu>bt 

CombenneTe, Lord, captures fortress of 
Bhnr^on, 122 

Compauy, tee East India 

>£2. 305 

Comwallis, Lord, appointed Governor- 
General, 78 ; proclaims the perpetual 
settlement, 79 ; judicial reforms, ib.; 
war against Tippu, 80; Governor- 
General a second time, 88 ; diesj ib. 

Councils, executive and legialstive, *m 

Courts, set Judicature 

Carrie, Sir Frederic, Besident at 
Lahore, 161 

DaIhousie,Lord,Govemor-Genenil, 161 ; 

enteis ''Ii the second Sikh war, 163 ; 
annexes the Punjab, 164 ; introduces 
British administration, 166 ; second 
Burmese wai:, 168 ; annexation of 
Pegu. 169 ; progreasivB polii'y, 170; 
public works, ^. ; roads, 171 ; rail- 
ways, 173; telegraphs, 174; Gauges 
canal, ib. ; aoQeiation policy, 176; 
question of adoption, 176 ; annexa- 
tion of Jhansi and Oudh, 177 ; opens 
the legislative council of India, 179 ; 
leaves India, 180 
Doccau, definition of the term, 2 ; Mo- 
hammedan Sultans of Golconda, 22 ; 
bad roads, 172 
Delhi, capital of the Mogul empire, 41 ; 
flight of the Prince Imperial to (iil- 
eutta, a, ; proposed British expedi- 
tion stopped by Clive, 53; defended 
by Ochteriony against Holkar, 66 ; 
occupied and plundered hy Nadir 
Shah, 144 ; water-wny to Calcutta, 
173 ; family of the last of the Mo- 
guls, 182 ; occujiied by the rebel 
sepoys from Meerut, 208 ; the city 
and its snrroQadings, 210 ; massacrs 
of Europeans, 21 3 ; explosion of the 
magazine, 214; rebel successes, 216 ; 
avenged, 219 ; the siege, 221 ; the 
capture, 230 ; imperial assemblage 
at. 235 
Deiiison, Si^ William, Provisional Go- 
vernor-General, 286 ; rotuma to 
Madras ib. 
Dhama, sitting in, 81 ; abolishiid, ii, 
Dhuleep Singh, nominal sovereign of 

the Rmjab, 16? 
Dinapore, European regiment at, 1S0 ; 

mutiny at, 266 
Dost Mohammed Ehan, ruler of Af- 
ghanistan, 14G ; defeated by the 
British, 146 ; a prisoner at CoIcQtta, 
117 ; returns to Cabnl, 162 ; recovers 
Peshawar dtuing second Sikh war, 
162, 163 ; helped by the British in 
the Persian war, 181 ; death 260 ; 
wars between his sons, 261 
Dravidian races, 142 




Dniudani artfnal, near Calcutta, It.6 ; 

mtukctiy Khool at, 1G2 
Dupleii, French Governor of FoD- 
dit-'hcrry, 32 ; bis brilliint snc- 
cera, 33 ; appointed Nmab of tbe 
Camatic, lA. ; ruin of his schemes 
by ClivB, 31 ; return to t'rance, 
ib. ; disKracB sod death of, t(. 

tence, 289 ; proposed restoration of 
Mjsore, 2D2 
Dutch, settlemonts of, 9 

East India Compftny, charter acd fac- 
tories, 1 ; English haase at Surat, 
4 ; territory and fortress at Madras, 
7 ; Fon St Georfie, 12 ; charter from 
James II. for municipal corporation, 
16 : settlement at Bombay, 24 ; at 
Hughly, 25 1 war a^inst the Great 
Mogul, 2S ; submission, 27 ; nat 
with France, 32 ; saved by Robert 
Clive, 34 ; Black Hole traged;^, 36 ; 
Plassy, 42 ; exasperated by their civil 
aervsnts at Calcutta, S3 ; accepts the 
office of Dewan for Bengal, Beimr, 
and Orisaa, 64 ; orders Warren Hsat- 
ings to a<iBUme the direct adminis- 
tration, 58 ; false position of the 
Corapaoy in Bengal, 99 ; first n-ar 
against tbe Mahrattas, 71 ; Fox's 
hostile India bill, 75 ; Pitt's Board 
of Control, 78 ; trial of Warren 
Hastings, 77 ; wars of Lord WeUea- 
ley, 84 ; conquest of Mysore, S6 ; 
annexation of the Carnatic, 88 ; 
subsidiary alliances, 69 ; gocoml 
Mahratta war, 94 ; recall of Lord 
Weltesley from Bengal, 98 ; recall of 
Lord William Benliucb from Madras, 
101 ; war against Nijial, 108 ; Pind- 
hari and Uahratta wars, 110 ; para- 
mount powi'r in India, 120 ; first 
Burmeae war, ib. ; odministratioti of 
Lord William Bentinck, 123 ; stages 
in the relations between the Cotn- 

Kny and the Croirn, I3S ; old East 
dla House, 133 ; patronage under 
Pitt's bill, 137 ; charters of 1813 and 
1333 granted by I'arlLament, 133; 
abolition of licences, ib. ; constitu. 
tional changes, 139 ; appointment of 
Lord Macautay, ib. ; charier of 1833, 
its evil results, ib. ; an Asiatic power, 
141; first Sikh war, 154 ; second 
Sikh war, IBl ; acquisition of the 
Punjab, 16S ; second Burmese war, 
168 ; splendid administration of Lord 
DalhoUHie, 170; question of adop- 

end of cliarter of 1833, ITS; compe- 
titive examinations for the Indun 
civil and new legislative connci) of 
India, 179 ; sepoy revolt, 186, S3S ; 
end of the East India Compuiy, 275 

Edinbnrgb, Duke of, visit to India, 

Education in India, 277 ; state a^rabBm, 
278 ; Bible teaching, 279 

EdwHrdes, Herbert, defeats rebels at 
Multan,16],182; opposes withdrawal 
from Peshawar, 229 

Elgin, Iiord, senda British regiments 
to Lord Canning, 238 ; Viceroy and 
Governor-General, 288 

Ellenhorougli, Lonl, Govemor-Genelal, , 

151 ; hears news of Rhjber Paaj ' 
disaster, ib. ; interferes in Gwalior, 

152 ; recalled, 1S4 ; proposes removiil 
of the Delhi family, 182 

Elphinstons, HountsCuart, his minion 
to Cabnl, 103 ; Besident at PooDa, 
112; negotiations with the Mahiatta 
Peiahwa, 113; destruction of hi^ 
library, 118 ; Governor of Bombay, 
134 ; conservatism in India, 299 ; its 
failure, 800 

Empress of India, proclamation of, 295 


Feroxsbahar, battle of, 158, 159 
Foreign Office, Indian, relations with 
Asiatic states, 289 ; misleading term. 

Council, reputed author of the LcUen 
of Junius, 86 ; jealons hstrtd of 
Warren Hastings, ib. ; bitter chal;gBS 
against Hastings and Impey, 87, Si i 
denounces appointment of Impey to 
tbe Sudder, 70 ; fights a duel and 
returns to England, 75 

Frere, Sir Bartle, Governor of Bombay, 
288 ; his career, 287 

Frontior tribes on the north- west, 229 

Gaekwar of Baroda, 112, 283 noU 

Ganges canal, 174 

Ganges, river, 171, 17S 

George III., his hostility to Pox'slndia 

Bill, 137 ; accepts preaenta froui 

Warren Hastings, 298 
Ohorka, conqueat of Nipal, 100 ; var 

against British goTeniment,108 — 110 
Gillespie, Colonel, commands ganison 

at Arcot, 100 ; auppresses mutiny at 




ofOudh, ]7i ; Goa, the capital orPortngaeie India, 2 




Codilafd, CaltmtA, l«ftda an «xpeditioti 
front Calcntta to Bombay igainst 
Habratta conntry, 79 

Godwin, OenenI, commandB ezp«ditioa 
to Banna, IflB 

Oolab Sin^ buy* CMhmeie from Lord 
Hudiuin, ISO 

Ooqjsfat, battle of, Ui 

GoDgb, Sir Hngh, cammuida army in 
GwaJior, 1G3 ; hU vieto^ at Malia- 
rajpore. IGi ; b»ttlei at Moodki and 
FKroahabar, 168 ; at Sobraon, IBS ; 
ChUlianwalU, IBS ; Goojerat,164 

Goremment, old merchant role in 
Madras, G, 8, 12 ; monicipal eipeti- 
menta, 11, 16 ; Nawab rule in Ben- 
(Cal, 43 ; offer of the dcwani, 4G ; 
Great Mogol inetalled in British 
factory at Fatna, 18 ; coUiaion be- 
tween the British and the Nawab in 
Bengal, 19 ; Clive's doable goreni- 
ment, Bl ; Warrwi Hsatbg* a wto- 
leisn ruler, GS ; British zemindar at 
Calcutta, G6 ; appointment of British 
collectors, 61 ; membnrs of council 
at Calcutta appointed by ParliiuiiDnE, 
66 ; qunrrfils, 68 ; GoTernor-GonenJ 
in CoanciJ empowered by parliament 
to make laws, 69 ; changes under 
the charter of 1S93, 18G ; executive 
council remodelled by Lord Cimliing, 
280 ; legislative councils of 1851 
and ISel-S, 179, 231; relations 
of legislative and eiacntiTe, 298 ; 
British India n school for Asiatic*, 

Govind, Guru, IBS ; founder of the 
Sikh Ehalsa, 1B6 

Graves, Brigadier, commsjids station 
at Delhi, 209, 210 ; preparations to 
resist rebel sepoys fromHeerut, 211 ; 
esospes to Fluataff Tower, 218 

Gnhbins, Mr. Frederic, bis mtmieipal 
refbrms at Benares, 23G, 2S8 

Gwalior, fortress of, captured, 73 ; in- 
terference and war by Lord EUen- 
boroagh, 1 62 
Gwalior contingent formed, 161 ; 
mntiny of, 228, 229 ; victory of, at 
Cawnpore, 272 

Harding, Lord, Oovem or- General, 
161 ; commands the army at Mood- 
ki, 1G8; at Sobraon, 169; settles 
the gavemment of the Fnqjab under 
• regentry, 180; 

FnqUb under 
a toSn^and, 

Harris, General, commands British 
army against Uysorc, 86 

Hastings, Warren, appointed Govrmor 
of Bengal, GS ; virtually soTereign 
of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, ib. ; 

Si^vions ooretr, G7 ; introduce* 
ritish administratiDD, 68 ; dealings 
with the zemindars and land revenne 
G9, 61 i judicial administration, S2 
creates the Sudder Court, 61 ; sur- 
prised by the arrival of three new 
members of council, and the creaition 
of the Sapreme Coott, 86 ; appointed 
Governor- General, li. ; quarrel with 
Philip Francis, 66 ; trial and execu- 
tion of Xundcomar, 67 ; inaction, 
ib, ; collision between tbe Supreme 
Court and the Sudder, 68 ; points in 
dispute, 69 ; settled by parliament, 
ib, ; alleged corruption of Elyah 
impey, 70 ; war witb the Mahratfas, 
71 ; plottings of three Astatic powers, 
78 ; Hyder wvadee the Camatic, 71 ; 
interference of parliament, 76 ; India 
bills of Fox and Pilt, il/, ; returns to 
Enslaud, 76 ; trial in Westminster 
Hall, ib, ; case of the Oudh Begums, 
ib, ; services of Hastings, 77, 78 ; 
presents to George III., 29S 

Hastings, Marquis of. Governor General 
of India, 107 ; war against Nlpal, 
108 ; coBverted liwn non-interven- 
tion to imperialism, 110 ; suppresses 
Pindhari raids and Mahratta dii* 
affection. 111 ; humiliation of Sindia, 
118; sabmission of Amir Ehan of 
Tunk, 111 ; treachery, defeat, and 
flight of the Peishwa, 116 ; dealings 
with Nagpore, 116 ; defeat of Hd- 
kor, 117 ; capture and conquest of 
the Feishwa, 1]S, 119 ; renewal of 
protective treaties in Rajputana, 120 

Uavelock, General, his career in India, 
258 ; advance on Cawnpore daring 
tbe sepoy mntimiea, ib. ; hangs a 
deputy collector, 268 ; enters Cawn- 
pore after the niassacre, ib. ; advances 
towards Lucknow, 2G0 \ retreats, 
266 1 Kcond advance with Outram, 
288 ; relief of tbe garrison, 369 ; 
death, 272 

Hent, besieged by Penlo, 116 ; de- 
fended by Eldred Pottinger, ISl ; 
second siege by Persia, 181 

Hindus, protected against European 
soldiers at Madras, 11 ; rebel against 
tbe house tax, 16 ; municipality in 
the 17th centnry, IS; abolition of 
Suttee, 123 ; overawed by Thugs, 
IZS ; village communities in the 
North- Weit Provinces, 128 ; in th« 
Madras Presidency, ISl ; ancient 


eolaniaation, ib. ; aneieat migration* 
from Central and Northeni Asia, 
142 ; accept Sikh religion in tha 
Pnojab, 156 ; absence of rcnda in 
Hindu kinf^om*, 172; belief in 
adoption bat reluctant to adopt, 
17S ; C&9U ayatem, 188, 161 ; wor- 
ship of the cow and horror of beef, 
195; forced convenions to lalam, 
ISfl ; hostility of the Brabmang at 
Benares, stamped out bv Mr. Gab- 
bint, S3& ; Hindu ealtnre, 298 ; 
cbiid marriaftes, ib. ; temper, ii. ; 
social despotism, 299 ; failure of 
hereditary officials, 300 ; successful 
training, it. 

Holkar, Jaswant Bao, the bandit, B2 ; 
driyea the Peishwa from Poona, ib. ; 
occupiea Indore territory, 98 ; rela- 
tions with the British, 95 ; defiance, 
96 ; campaign of Lord Lake, it. ; 
Uonson's disnstroos retreat, 97 ; 
joined by Sindia, etc., it. ; flies to 
the Punjab, 99 ; confined as a mad- 
man, ib. ; dies of cherry brandy, 111; 
Kt Indore 

Holkar, im Indore 

Holwell, Mr, elected Governor of Cal- 
cutta, during the aii^ge, 38 ; sells 
Calcutta binds by auction, 60 

Hnghly, old Portuguese fortressat, 19 ; 
demolished in pnniabment for alave 
dealing, 20 ; British factory at, 26 ; 
MoguToppreasiona, ib. ; British re- 
treat to Madrna, 27 

Hyder Ali, of Mysore, deaoUtes the 
Caruatic, 74 

Hyderabad, disbandment of French 
battalions, 85 ; subsidiary force at, 


Impey, Sir Elijah first Chief Justice 
of the Supreme Court at Calcutta, 
66 ; chnrj^ ngainat, 70 

Indore, revolt of the army of Hol- 
kar, 115 i defeated st Mchidpore, 
117 ; subsidiary alliance, 118 ; out- 
break doriDg the mutinies, 272 ; 
political reUtions, 289 itoU 

Java, wrested from the Dutch, 104 ; 
restored to Holland, ii. 

Jeypore, Ri^ of, fights for princess of 
Oodeypore, 106; aaks British govern- 
ment to arbitrate, 106 

JiMDK, massacre at, 176, 2S5 

Jodhpore, R^ of, contanda for princesa 
of Oodeypore, 105 ', asks British to 
arbitrate, 106 

Jndicatnre, jnstioei of the choultry at 

Madras, 13 ; major's court, SI ; 
British zemindar at Calcutta, 59 ; 
magistrntes and judges, 62 ; coarts 
of circuit and appeal, 63 ; chief 
court or Sudder, 64 ; patriarebal ayv 
tem, ib. ; supreme court of bairister 
judges, 65 ; collisions, 67, 68 ; judi- 
cial reform-^ of Lord Comwallia, 7fi ; 
of Lord William Bcntinck, 126 ; 
Asiatic judges, 127 ; amalgamatioa 
of Supreme Court and Sudder In the 
existing High Courts, 234; Asiatic 
judges and magistrates, 285; pro- 

nd changes, 300 
er, mutiny at, 227 


Kali, goddess, worahipped by the 

Thugs, 134 ; Calcutta a comiptloB 

of £ali-Ghat, 125 note 
Eeane, Sir John, captures fortress of 

Ghazni, 146 ; created Baron of Ohaz- 

ni. 117 
Khalsaa, the Sikh, 155 ; army of, 156 ; 

sent to ploader India, 15S ; defeated 

at Sobraon, 166 ; broken up, 1S4 
Ehyber Pass, British disaster in, 151 ; 

faces Peshawar, 225 
Korigaiim, glorious action of aepoys, 

Enmoon, ceded to the British by Nipal, 

Lahore, Council of Beii^ncy at, 161 ; 
sepoy mutinies at, 223, 224 ; Euro- 
pean strength, 243 

Ijake, General, comniander-in-cbief of 
the Bengal army, 94 ; his campaign 
in Hindustan, 91, B6 ; attacks Hol- 
kar, 96 ; fails to reduce Bhnrtpore, 
97, 98 

lAwrencc, Sir Henry, Eesident at La- 
hore after Erst Sikh war, 161, 164 ; 
chief commissioner of Oudh, 202 % 
suppresses a mutiny at Lucknow, 
216 ; holds a public durbar for re- 
warding aepoys, 2j9 ; preparations 
for the defeoco of Locknow, 260 ; 
wounded at Cbinhut, 261 ; dies, 265 

Lawrence, John, chief commissioner 
of the Punjab, 165 ; patriarchal 
rule, 166; land settlement, 167; 
telegram to Qcnerol Anson, 217 ; 
executions at Pesbawar, 226 ; senda 
Punjab "Quides" to Delhi, ifr. ; 
proposes to withdraw from Peshaww, 

228 ; overruled by Lord Canning, 

229 ; disarma all Bengal sepoys in 


the Ponjib, a, ; created * baronet 
and afterwards a peer, 386 -'- 
Viceroy and Goremor-Generul, 
yearly migrationi to SimlA, 
rolntiona with Bir Henry Durand, 
2S9 ; leaves India, 293 ; hurial in 
Westminster Abbey, 294 

Legislation, no code of lavs, 13 ipowera 
oF> sranted to the Govemoi-Genertl 
io Cotindl, 6E> ; lepelBitiTe council 
created in 1833 under the charter, 
139 i new legislative conodl of 1854 
nnder Lord Dathousie, 179 ; new 
Penal Code, 180 ; new legislative 
couneil of IS81-S, 281 ; relations of 
cabinet and coancil, 293 ; proposed 
changes, 301 

Lncknow, capital of Ondh, description 
of, 203 ; the BriCiah Hendency, A. ; 
firat matiny suppressed by Sir Henry 
Lawrence, ib. ; farther darbar for 
rewarding loyal sepoys, S6B ; general 
mutiny, 261 ; hortifity of the city, 
263 ; disaster at Chinhut, ib. ; 
British Residency besieged by mnti- 
neers and rebels, 264 ; death of Sir 
Henry Lawrence, 265 ; anarchy in 
the city, ib, ; retreat of Harelock, 
26S : desperate defence, 267 ; advance 
of Havelock and Ontram 2SS ; 
triumphant entry, 269 ; floa] relief 
of Sir Colin Campbell, 271 

I/imaden, Sir Peter, his misBion to 
Candahar, 131 

Lytton, Lord, VieerOT, 296 ; proclaims 
Her M^esty ai Einpress of India, 
299 ; the second Afghan war, 296 

Uacanlay {Mr., afterwards Lord) ap- 
pointed legal member of the Conncil 
of India, 139 ; diolta the Feoal Ck>de, 

HacnaKhten, Sir William, British 
minister at Cabnl, 144, 147 ; hia 
dtffleulties, 143 ; tnurdered ti^Akbor 
Khan, 149, IGD 

Macr«e, Mr., Governor of Madras, in 
the olden time, 31 

Madras, foundation of fortress, 7 ; 
growth of Fort Bt. George and Block 
Town. 3 ; wars of the Right and Left 
Hands, 10 ; flnt Hindn town under 
British nil*, 13 ; Asiatic revolt 
against F.ornTiean taxation, 14, IE; 

■ corjnrati'in founded, 18; trade in 
staves, 13i atnllslieil and revived, 
21, 32 ; floiiriahingprtvatj- trade, 23 ; 
Governors I'llt arid Macrae, 31 ; 
Hsdros catilnrMi liy the Krcnch, 32 ; 
restored, 83 ; villas" (mmmiinities of 
Boutbem India, 131 1 erRation of 

(emindara, 13S ; eitabtiahment of 
ryotwari, 134 

Mahanqpore, battle of, 154 

Mahrattoa, raids on the Mogol empire 
quieted by the payment of"chont," 
or blackmail, 28 ; origin of Uahratta 
power, 7l ; rise of tbs Peishwa and 
his feudatories — Sindio, Holkar, and 
the Gaekwar, 72 ; first British war 
agoiiLSt the Mahrattas, 73 ; reCllM 
the British alliance, 39 ; rise ot 
Bindia, 92 ; acceptance of British 
BQzerunty by the Peishwa, Oi. ; 
campaigns of Wellesley and Lake, 
94, 95 J Holkar's defiance and suc- 
cesses, 97 J non-intervention, 99 ; 
disafTeetion, 111 ;hostiUty, 115 ; final 
establishment of British supremacy, 
lis, 119 ; we also Bindia and Holkar 

Malcolm, Sir John, sent on missions to 
Persia, SI, 103 ; negotiation* with the 
Mahrattas, 112, 113 ; defeats Holkar, 
117 ; captoresthe Peishwa, 119 

Hi^o, Lord, Viceroy and Govemor- 
Oeneral, 294 ; his tragic death, ib. 

Meerat, sepoy mutinies, 205^212 

Hebidpore, battle of, 117 

Metcalfe, Charles, his mission to 
Runjeet Singh at I^hore, 102 ; 
Oovemor-General, 140 

Uinto, Lord, Govemor-Oenetol, 101 

Mogul, empire in India, 2 ; his ven- 
geance on the Portuguese at Hughlv, 
20 i conqnera the Deccan, 21 ; break- 
ing up, 31 ; enthronement of a Great 
Hognl in the British factoir- at 
Patna, 48 ; settlement of Lord Clive, 
G4 ; flight to Delhi with the Mah- 
rattas, G7 ; a pensioner of the British 
government, 96 ; makes common 
caose with the rebel sepoys, 209, 
216 ; banishment to Rangoon, 2S1 

Hohammedans, proportioQ of, in tho 
Bengal sepoy army, 191 ; conversion 
of Hindus by force, 196, 210 ; revolt 
of Delhi, fanatics preaching rebellion, 
220 ; capture of Delhi, 231 

Moira, Lord, Qovemor-General, 110 ; 
tee Hastinfca, Marquis of 

Monro, Sir Hector, victory at Bazar, 
G2 ; takes possession of Ondh, S3 

Monaon, Colonel, dinstrona retreat 
from Holkar, 97, 98 

Hoodki, battle of, 168 

Momington, Lord, ttt Wellealey, 
Marqnis of 

Mnlraj, Sikh governor of Hnltan, hIa 
revolt, 161 ; mnrder of two British 
officers, >t. ; snrrenders, 1S4 

Monro, Thomas, hia career, 1S8, 134 ; 
■ 299 


Mansifs, or civil judget, appointed, SO 

Matinies, ite Se]ioy 

Mysore, Raja, ruaMred to tlie throne of 

Mysore, 87 
Hyaom, conqutBt of, by the BriU«h 

restoration of a Hiudn 

, 100, las; bronght nnder 
BKtiih mis, 321 ; reatored to Hiadu 
rule, 292 


Nadir, Shah, checkmaCee Bosna, 143 ; 

invades Inilia, 144 ; an Asiatic 

Hapoleon, ib. 

Ka;^re, 111 ; plottings agaiiist the 
British ftoverDinent, 116; atmezed 
by Lord Dalhooaie, ITS 

Nana Sahib, a proUgi of the al- 
PeUhwaof theMohntltas, 245; hi* 
preposterous claimsagainst the British 
govErnment, ii. ; pertinacity and 
conniDg, 246 ; pretended loyalty at 
Cawnporc, 249 ; deludes the Britiah, 
250 ; uiipopalarity with the Bengal 
Eepoys, ii. ; joins the sepoy mutlaeen. 

£tirapeuns, 254 ; hia 
triumph, ib, ; his terrors, 255 ; hia 
army defeated by Havelock, 257; 
maasBure of Tomcn and children, 
268 ; flight into Oudh, ib. 

Nanak Guru, foiiniier of the Sikh 
religion, 154 ; hie teaching, 155 

Kiyiior, Sir Charles, dcfcaU Araiia of 
Sind, 152 ; supersedei Lord Oough, 

Natives, (f« Aaiatic 

Neill, Colonel, hia advance towards 
Allahabad and Cairnpore, 234 : de- 
layed at Benares, 238 ; at Allahabad, 
ib.; restfirea order, 242; joined by 
Havelock. 25S 

Newars, Buddhist people of Nipal, 100 

Nicholson, John, the sainted warrior, 
227 ; worshipped by the Sikha, ib.; 
cnuhes the rebel sepoy brigade from 
Scalkote, 229 ; mortally wounded at 
Delhi, 231 

Xipal, Ghorka conauest of, lOB; 
ni^gressidus on British territory, 107 ; 
war, ins ; peace. 110 

Niztm of the Deccan, 33, 82 ; disband- 
ment of his French tjattaliona, 83 ; 
accepts inbsidiaiy alliance with the 
British government, 89 ; political 
relations, 290 ruite 

Non-intervention, policy of, 82 ; sad 
reanlta, 00 ; bad effects in Rajpntana, 
106; inthePanjab, 158 

Northbrook, Lord, Viceroy and Gover- 
nor-General, 295 

North- West Provinces, land aattleiaaiit 
of, llS7 ; revolt and anppresaion, S31 

Nott, General, at Cuidalwr, 146, 15] ; 
advanceg on Cabal, 152 

Nuudcomar, his charges against Wsmtn 
Hastings, 67 ; arrested on cbar^ of 
forgery, ib, ; trial and ezecntiaii, ib. 

Ochterlonr, Colonel, defenda Dellii 
from Holkar, 97 ; servica in the 
war against Nipal, 109 ; operatioiu 

agunst Bhortpore, 216 

Onssa, a province of Bengal, 44, 127 ; 
village commnnitiea, 120 

Oudh, old aggmsioas on Bengml, 44, 
47 1 settlement of Lord Cliva with 
tlie Nawab Vizier, 63; eaae of the 
Begmns, 76 ; acquisition! of Lard 
Wellesley, 91 ; annexation by Xdrd 
Dalhousie, 177, 178 ; land setUe- 
montj 182 ; disaffection of the tsluk- 
dara, 183 ; discontent of sepoys, 184, 
190,202;Sir Henry Lawrence, chief 
commixaioner, 203 ;! disaffection, 220; 
mutiny and rebellion, 250, 262 ; 
peace reatored, 272 ; canaes of revolt, 
273 ; settlstnent of Lord L*wrib(n> 
with the talukdaiB, 262 

Outram, Sir James, hia miasion to the 
Persian Gulf, 181 ; joini Havelock, 
269 J chief commissioner of Oadh, 

Parliament, intarferenee in India, TS, 

135 ; Charters of ISIS and 1833 ; 
opening out trade, etc., 138 ,' createii 
the Legialative Council of India, and 
introducea competitive examinations, 
178 ; ttanefera India from the Com- 
pany to the Crown, 275 ; Coandl 
Act of 1861, 284 

Patoa, maasacre at, 52 ; Mohammedan 
plots, 220, 266 

Peacock, Sir Barnes, revises Penal 
Code, 180 

Pi^^ annexed by Lord Dalhousie, 169, 

Peisliwa, Mahntts, his feudatotiea 
jealous of the British, 186 ; rsCuscs 
the subsidiary alliance, 80 ; flight to 
British territory, 02 ; accepts nb- 
sidiar; alliance at Bassein, ii. ; dis- 
affected, 99; intrigues, 111; hoe- 
tUity, 116; defeat and flight, 116; 
extinction, 119 ; at Bithoor, i4f 

Penal Code, drafted by LordMacanky, 
revised t^ Sir Barnes Peacock, ISO 

Persia, miasioD of John Malcolm, 103; 


collubn with BritiEh ludia, 140; 
menaced l^ Russia, HI ; advance of 
Riuda checkmated by Nadir Shah, 
148 1 Pelriau iuvMion of liidia, 114 ; 
Biitiih ezpedition to ths PeTsion 
Gulf, 181 ; ita return to India, 217 
Peshawar, raUey of, wrestod from the 
Afghans by Ruujeet Singh, 103 ; ro- 
occupied by Afghans in second Sikh 
war, 163; the key to India, 225; 
fhintier tribes, ib. ; peril during tbe 
Bepoy mntiiiies, ib, ; execntion of 
rebels, 220; proposed withdrawal, 
228 ; oTsmiled by Lord Cantiiiig, 

Pindharies, freebooters in the Mah- 
ratta armies, 104 ; horrible raids in 
British territory, 110 ; George Caa- 
ning's denunciations, 111 ; CBin|iiLign 
of Lord Hastings, 113 ; extinction of 
the gangs, 115 

Utt, Thomas, Governor of Msdras, 29 ; 
his diamond, 30 

Pitt, William, the younger, his India 
Bill, 7S ; creates a Board of Control, 
74 ; marvellons statesmanship, 137 

Plassy, battle of, 42 

Pollock, General, avenges tbe British 
losses in the Ehyber, 151 ; relieves 
Sale and restores British prestige, 

ib, ; interference of Bombay, 72, 73 ; 
ueffotiatioDS of Iiord Wellesley, 86 ; 
night of the Feishwa to Baasein, 92 ; 
subsidiary alliance, ib. ; intrigues, 
112, 113 ; British reeideno; burnt, 
110 ; incorporated with the Bombay 
Pr&jdencj;, 119 

Poitagnase in India, their fortressea, 
S ; thwart the British at Sorat, 4 ; 
intermarriages with tbe British at 
Madras, 12 ; slave trade, 19 ; settle- 
ment at Hn^ly, 20 ; destroyed by tbe 
Great Uwnl, 21 

Pottinger, Eldred, Captain, 161 

Provinces, regulation and non-regnla- 
tion, ISS, 289 ; distinction effaced, 

Pniyab, Bikh mleanderRunjeet Singh, 
103 ; relations with the British go vem- 
ment, 103 ; attitude in the first 
A^lhan war, 146 ; opened to British 
troops after the death of Runjeet 
Singh, 147 ;a6ikh army under French 
officeta a menace to Hindustan, 1S3 ; 

revolt at Mnltao, Ifll ; second 
Sikh war, 162 ; ChilUanwalla, 103 ; 
Goojerat, 164; annoxation, 105; 
patriarchal rule, 160 ; non-regtUation 
system, ib. ; land settlement, 1S7 ; 
frontier province of India on the 
north-west, facing Afghanistan and 
Cashmere, 180 ; musketry school at 
Sealkote, 193 ; John I^wrenci>, chli^f 
commissioner, sends the Punjab 
"Qnidas" to Delhi, 222 ; disaffection 
of Bengal sepoy regiments, 224 ; 
valley of Peshawar, 22S ; Sikh volan- 
tecra, 226 ; John Nicholson, the 
sainted warrior, 227 ; difficulties of 
John Lawrence, 228 ; fall of Delhi, 

Railways in India, 173, 174 

Rajputana, princes and chiefs taken 
under British protection by Lord 
Welleeley, 95 ; snnulment of treaties 
by Sir Oeo^^e Barlow, SB ; plun- 
dered by the Mahrattaa, ib, ; ravageil 
by Sindia and Amir Khan, 105 ; 
renewal of protective treaties by 
Lord Hastings, ISO ; relations with 
the British government, 289 

Rajputs, in Bengal sepoy army, 191 

Kama, tbe ancient hero of Oaitb, 104 

Sana, of Oodeypore, his descent, 104 ; 
war for his daughter, 106 ; her death, 

Bangoon, expedition to, ISl ; second 
Burmese war, 108 

Rawlinson, M^jor, at Candahar, 140, 

Revenue, Board of, 128 

Rewah in Central India, 2SS note 

Roe, Sir Thomas, Ambassador to India, 

Bohilcnnil, mutiny in, 228 

Euni'eet Singh, Sikh ruler of the Pun 
jab, 102 ; relations with the British 

STerutnent, 103; attitude in the 
st Afghan war, 146 ; deatb, ib. ; 
genius and depravity, 160 ; family 
pensioned, 165 

Russia menacea Persia, 141,143 ; driven 
back b; Nadir Shah, 144 ; cat's-paw 
policy, 145 ; hold on Tarkistan, 29Q 

Ryotwari settlement, in lladraa presi- 
dency, 133 ; inti'odncod into Bombiy 
presidency, 134 



Sale, 8ii Robert, vent to Jellalabod, 

lis ; bedcgBti by Afghuu, ISl 
S««lkote, mutiur al, 229 
SeentMij of State, Council of, SOI 
8epo7 armj of India, 18S ; old mn- 
tiniu, 189 ; leparate armies of 
Bongal, Bombay, and Madiaa, ISO ; 
high oaate in old Bengal amy, ISl ; 
mntiniea againat gretued caitiidwi, 
StriDgantain taken by itonn, Sfl 
Bhere IJi Klian, Amir of Afghaniatan, 
2SI ; eatranjii^ fVom Britiah govern' 
ment, 2S6 ; flight, ib. ; death, 3S7 
Shore, Mr. John, piewea for an inquity 
into riffbti of ryota, 79 ; Qovenior- 

ISJ— 167; firat Sikh war, :58; wcond 
Sikh war, 161 ; aaneiad to Britiah 
India, 105 ; help the Britiah agaiiut 
Delhi, 223, 229, 237 

Sind, Araira of, defeat of, IG2 ; their 
territoriea incorporutad with the 
Bombay preaidency. Hi, 

Sindia, Mahadaji, feadatory of tha 
Peiahwa, 71 ; eatablinhed a domiaion 
in Uisdoatan, 72 ; French battalioni, 
61 ; rale of Dankt Rao, 60 ; hu 
vacillation, 93 ; flight at Aiaaye, 94 ; 
joine Holkar, S7 ; return* to the 
Britiah alliance, 68 ; ravagea B4^put- 
ana, lOG ; eecret negotiation. 111 ; 
Bubmiaaioii, 1!4 

SiUbuldi HiU, battle on, US, 117 

SiToji, hero of the Hohrattaa, Tl ; his 
tomb repaired, ib. not* 

Slavery, Hindu and Hohammedan, 16 ; 
Mo^iil reatrictiona, 19 ; Fortugueae 
trade, ib. ; abolished at Hadnu, 22 

Sobiaon, battle of, 1G9 

Snddw Courta, 127 note. 128, 28* 

Supreme and Sadder Coarta amalgam- 
ated, 284 

Sunt, Britiah tradera at, 3 ; factory. 

Snttee, a 

Tayler, Mr. William, qoaahea plot at 

Patno, 266 
Thomaaon, Mr., LieuL -Governor, land 

aettlement fiiuabtH}, 1S7, 166 ; cou- 

atracta macaJamlaed roads, 172 
Thugs, atrocitiea of, 124 ; hereditaiy 

gangi, ib. ; suppiBSsion, 125 
Tippn of Mysore, first war ogaiiut, 80; 

alliance vith ibe French, 84 ; second 

war and death, 86 ; family, 100, 283 
Trevelyan, Sir Chailee, protests against 

income tax, 283 
Tucker, Mr. Robert, at Fnttohpore, 

murdered, 257 
Turkey, menaced by Rossis, 141 

Vellore, sepoy revolt at, 100, 188 
Village communities in the Nortb- 
West Prorinces, 128 ; in the Msdra* 
Presideney, 131 ; cboiiges, 269 

Wales, Prince of, his tour in India, 2S5 
Water-ways in India, 171 
Wellesley, Marquis of, OoTemor- 

Genenl, 82 ; political system of snli- 

aidiary alliances, 89 ; fears of France, 

SO ; mission to Persia, 91 ; scquiai- 

tioUB from Ouiih, ib. ; won, 94 ; 

reversal of his policy, 98 
Wellington, Duke of, opposes teeoll of 

Lord Ellenborough, 154 
Wheeler, General Sir Hugh, commands 

at Cawnpoie, 244 — 246 ; sorrendeTS to 

Nans Sahib, 253 
Willoughby, Lieut, blows np the 

magazine at Delhi, 214 ; murdered, 

Wilson, Mr. James, Finance Minister, 

282 ; proposes income tax, ib. ; 

death, 283 

Zemindars, statue in Bengal, 68 ; 
created in the Madns Pniuden^,